MEA Library
Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India

This book opens a much needed window onto Chinese perceptions of the country's post-Mao direction. . . . highlights the renewal of popular support for socialism and the growing opposition to contemporary state policies.---Martin Hart-Landsberg, Professor of Economics, Lewis & Clark College, Portland,Oregon Mao and his policies have long been demonized in the West, with the Cultural Revolution considered a fundamental violation of human rights. As China embraces capitalism, the Mao era is being denigrated by the Chinese political and intellectual elite. This book tackles the extremely negative depiction of China under Mao in recent publications and argues that most people in China,including the rural poor and the urban working class, actually benefited from Mao's policies. Under Mao there was a comprehensive welfare system for the urban poor and basic health and education provision in rural areas. These policies are being reversed in the current rush towards capitalism. Offering a critical analysis of mainstream accounts of the Mao era and the Cultural Revolution, this book sets the record straight, making a convincing argument for the positive effects of Mao's policies on the well-being of the Chinese people.

This book explores China's place in the new international order, from both the international perspective and from the perspective within China. It discusses how far the new international order, as outlined by George Bush in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the liberation of Kuwait in the Gulf War, with its notions of international order, as viewed by the United States, and with the United States seeing itself as the single dominant power, applies to China. The contributors offer the implications, both positive and negative, of China's growing economic power, and the possibility that China will increase its military power. They also examine the idea that the Chinese leadership is being carried along itself by events in China, which it does not fully control, and that other growing forces within China, such as nationalism, increasing social grievances, structural instability, and rivalry between the centre and the regions potentially work against China's growing strength in the international arena. Considering traditional Chinese notions of international power, where the world is seen as sino-centric, with neighboring countries subservient to China in varying degrees, the book argues that this represents a fundamentally different view of the international order, one where the equal sovereignty of every state does not apply, where there is an acknowledged hierarchy of power, and where domestic and international issues are highly interdependent.

Climate change threatens the future of civilization, but humanity is impotent in effecting solutions. Even in those nations with a commitment to reduce greenhouse emissions, they continue to rise. This failure mirrors those in many other spheres that deplete the fish of the sea, erode fertile land, destroy native forests, pollute rivers and streams, and utilize the world's natural resources beyond their replacement rate. In this provocative book, Shearman and Smith present evidence that the fundamental problem causing environmental destruction--and climate change in particular--is the operation of liberal democracy. Its flaws and contradictions bestow upon government- -and its institutions, laws, and the markets and corporations that provide its sustenance--an inability to make decisions that could provide a sustainable society. Having argued that democracy has failed humanity, the authors go even further and demonstrate that this failure can easily lead to authoritarianism without our even noticing. Even more provocatively, they assert that there is merit in preparing for this eventuality if we want to survive climate change. They are not suggesting that existing authoritarian regimes are more successful in mitigating greenhouse emissions, for to be successful economically they have adopted the market system with alacrity. Nevertheless, the authors conclude that an authoritarian form of government is necessary, but this will be governance by experts and not by those who seek power. There are in existence highly successful authoritarian structures--for example, in medicine and in corporate empires--that are capable of implementing urgent decisions impossible under liberal democracy. Society is verging on a philosophical choice between "liberty" or "life." But there is a third way between democracy and authoritarianism that the authors leave for the final chapter. Having brought the reader to the realization that in order to halt or even slow the disastrous process of climate change we must choose between liberal democracy and a form of authoritarian government by experts, the authors offer up a radical reform of democracy that would entail the painful choice of curtailing our worldwide reliance on growth economies, along with various legal and fiscal reforms. Unpalatable as this choice may be, they argue for the adoption of this fundamental reform of democracy over the journey to authoritarianism.

Every decade since 1950 has seen more floods and more wildfires on every continent. Deserts are expanding, coral reefs are dying, fisheries are declining, hurricanes are strengthening. The debate about climate change is over: there’s no question that global warming has made the Earth sick, and the outlook for the future calls for ever-warmer temperatures and deadlier results. Something must be done— but how quickly? With Global Fever, William H. Calvin delivers both a clear-eyed diagnosis and a strongly worded prescription. In striking, straightforward language, he first clearly sets out the current state of the Earth’s warming climate and the disastrous possibilities ahead should we continue on our current path. Increasing temperatures will kill off vegetation and dry up water resources, and their loss will lead, in an increasingly destructive feedback loop, to even more warming. Resource depletion, drought, and disease will follow, leading to socioeconomic upheaval—and accompanying violence—on a scale barely conceivable. It is still possible, Calvin argues, to avoid such a dire fate. But we must act now, aggressively funneling resources into jump-starting what would amount to a third industrial revolution, this one of clean technologies—while simultaneously expanding our use of existing lowemission technologies, from nuclear power to plug-in hybrid vehicles, until we achieve the necessary scientific break through. Passionately written, yet thoroughly grounded in the latest climate science, Global Fever delivers both a stark warning and an ambitious blueprint for saving the future of our planet.

This book comprehensively explore the many issues surrounding this unique system, including private sector cyber security investment decisions and implementation strategies, public policy efforts to ensure overall security, and government's role in the process. The authors draw primarily on case-based information and focused survey data to describe and critique the economic strategies and broad technical approaches that private sector organizations adopt to secure their information technology infrastructure. Based on an analysis of these strategies, they propose several public policy responses that go beyond those that have come from recent policy reports. These responses include the construction of a national database of reliable and cost-effective information suitable for benchmarking, and public research and development support for innovations and infrastructures. The authors discuss the goal of such efforts: to shift private investments toward more sociallyoptimal proactive levels and to develop standards and protocols to ensure a more effective use of cyber security technologies. The first systematic analysis of the economics of cyber security, this insightful book will be of great interest to private and public sector managers and strategists involved in cyber security, as well as academics and researchers in the fields of economics, management, information systems, systems engineering, political science, and public policy.

Why did the democratic experiment launched in the Republic of Congo in 1991 fail so dramatically in 1997? Why has it not been seriously resumed since then? In tackling these complex questions, John Clark provides a thorough analysis of more than fifteen years of Congolese politics. The Author explores a series of logical hypotheses regarding why democracy failed to take root in Congo, moving from political culture to economic performance, ethno regional identities, French foreign policy, the role of militias, and institutional design. He also discusses the country's present "electoral authoritarian" regime. His conclusions shed light not only on the nature of Congolese politics, but also on the utility of the scientific approach to understanding the social world.

Strategies, Markets and Governance addresses governance concerns at firm, industry, country and international levels. How do regulatory authorities deal with new business models, organizational structures and blurring market relations? What limits regulatory control and what are the implications of corporate self-regulation? What drives the spread of new regulation and what limits its effectiveness? How does 'the organized public' shape political and corporate interests and what is its legitimacy and impact on business? How do corporate strategies turn tighter regulation into profit opportunities, deliver public benefits in the face of predatory states and when is exit the only option left? The contributing authors are leading researchers on governance and public policy, and present assessments of these questions in a variety of institutional and international contexts.

The one issue touched on repeatedly by the contributors of this publication is the difficulty of arriving at a definition of cyber terrorism. A NATO Office of Security document cautiously defines it as “a cyber attack using or exploiting computer or communication networks to cause sufficient destruction or disruption to generate fear or to intimidate a society into an ideological goal.” But the cyber world is surely remote from what is recognized as terrorism: the bloody attacks and ethnic conflicts, or, more precisely, the politically-motivated “intention to cause death or serious bodily harm to civilians or non-combatants with the purpose of intimidating a population or compelling a government …” (UN report, Freedom from Fear, 2005). It is hard to think of an instance when computer code has physically harmed anyone. Yet a number of contributors show that exactly such events, potentially on a huge scale, can be expected. For example attacks on critical infrastructure, in particular on SCADA (Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition) systems which control physical processes in places like chemical factories, dams and power stations. A part of the publication examines cyber terrorism in the proper sense of the term and how to respond in terms of technology, awareness, and legal/political measures. However, there is also the related question of responding to the terrorist presence on the Internet (so-called ‘terrorist contents’). Here the Internet is not a weapon, but an important tool for terrorists’ communications (coordination, training, recruiting), and information gathering on the targets of planned attacks.

The marriage of computers and telecommunications, the global integration of these technologies and their availability at low cost is bringing about a fundamental transformation in the way humans communicate and interact. But however much consensus there may be on the growing importance of information technology today, agreement is far more elusive when it comes to pinning down the impact of this development on security issues. Written by scholars in international relations, this volume focuses on the role of the state in defending against cyber threats and in securing the information age. The manuscript is captivating with the significance and actuality of the issues discussed and the logical, knowledgeable and engaged presentation of the issues. The essays intrigue and provoke with a number of 'fresh' hypotheses, observations and suggestions, and they contribute to mapping the diverse layers, actors, approaches and policies of the cyber security realm.

This book deals with the issues of democracy and development in major South Asian countries. In a comprehensive manner, it draws attention to various aspects like ethnicity, multiculturalism, authoritarianism, economic reforms, trade, armed rebellion, democracy movements, and federal pressures. While examining the many facets of democracy and development in the region, the various contributors to the volume capture: the discontent in the political sphere within each country; how states navigate a maze of ethnic claims, multicultural compulsions, and separatist insurgencies; and; the region's optimism in economic reforms for development, peacebuilding processes for security, and democratization.

The papers included in this book were among those discussed at the Emerging Markets Forum meeting in Jakarta, Indonesia in September 2007. The underlying premise of the book is that growth and development in emerging market economies is now heavily dependent on: international private capital flows; development of financial markets; the countries' ability to integrate successfully with the global economy through trade and investment; and their ability to forge public private partnership, including, in infrastructure development. A particular emphasis is on contrasting and comparing experiences in Asia and Latin America.

This book investigates the changing meanings of the concept and the contemporary Diasporas condition, including case studies of Jewish, Armenian, African, Chinese, British, Indian, Lebanese and Caribbean people. The first edition of this book had a major impact on Diaspora studies and was the foundational text in an emerging research and teaching field. This second edition extends and clarifies Robin Cohen’s argument, addresses some critiques and outlines new perspectives for the study of Diasporas. It has also been made more student-friendly with illustrations, guided readings and suggested essay questions

This book highlights important new trends in the application of the Convention regime. It explores the interaction between State and diplomatic immunity (as shown in the Pinochet case), examines methods of establishing and conducting diplomatic relations under conditions of physical danger, and looks at increased evidence of disregard for the rules of secrecy in diplomatic communications. The author also explores and the greater latitude for diplomats to 'interfere' in the internal affairs of the receiving State in the interest of protecting human rights and evaluates the impact of adoption of the UN Convention on Jurisdictional Immunities of States and their Property.

This book explains the most basic economic reckoning that the world faces. We can address poverty, climate change, and environmental destruction at a very modest cost today with huge benefits for shared and sustainable prosperity and peace in the future, or we can duck the issues today and risk a potentially costly reckoning in later years. Despite the rearguard opposition of some vested interests, policies to help the world's poor and the global environment are in fact the very best economic bargains on the planet." -Al Gore, Winner of the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize and Former Vice President of the United States. "Jeffrey Sachs never disappoints. With powerful illustrations and moving words, he describes what humanity must do if we are to share a common future on this planet. By making sense of economics as it affects the lives of people, this book is an excellent resource for all those who want to understand what changes the 21st century may bring." - Kofi Annan, winner of the 2001 Nobel Peace Prize and former secretary-general of the United National.

In the next century, sea levels are predicted to rise at unprecedented rates, causing flooding around the world, from the islands of Malaysia and the canals of Venice to the coasts of Florida and California. These rising water levels pose serious challenges to all aspects of coastal existence—chiefly economic, residential, and environmental—as well as to the cartographic definition and mapping of coasts. It is this facet of coastal life that Mark Monmonier tackles in Coast Lines. Setting sail on a journey across shifting landscapes, cartographic technology, and climate change, Monmonier reveals that coastlines are as much a set of ideas, assumptions, and societal beliefs as they are solid black line on maps Whether for sailing charts or property maps, Monmonier shows, coastlines challenge mapmakers to capture on paper a highly irregular land-water boundary perturbed by tides and storms and complicated by rocks, wrecks, and shoals. Coast Lines is peppered with captivating anecdotes about the frustrating effort to expunge fictitious islands from nautical charts, the tricky measurement of a coastline’s length, and the contentious notions of beachfront property and public access. Combing maritime history and the history of technology, Coast Lines charts the historical progression from offshore sketches to satellite images and explores the societal impact of coastal cartography on everything from global warming to homeland security. Returning to the form of his celebrated Air Apparent, Monmonier ably renders the topic of coastal cartography accessible to both general readers and historians of science, technology, and maritime studies. In the post-Katrina era, when the map of entire regions can be redrawn by a single natural event, the issues he raises are more important than ever.

His guide is a compact and highly accessible work of reference that covers eastern and central Europe from the Treaty of Versailles to the present day. Broad ranging in focus, it covers political, economic, environmental, human and cultural issues. With particular focus on the early nationalist and subsequent fascist and communist periods, this book highlights the similarities and differences between Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. With a wealth of chronologies, tables and maps, together with discursive chapters on key issues and a guide to the historiography.

This book deal fiftieth anniversary of events in 1956, which were a major turning point in the history of communist-ruled Eastern Europe, this book also contains a selection of some of the most recent research on those momentous events and their memory and legacy.

"It is not always the case that the most recent book is a better book. But this is surely the case with this work. For a long time we have spoken of demagogy, now we speak more and more of populism. Are these different labels for the same thing? While this issue still needs to be probed, authors have assembled a well organized and surely outstanding analysis of a truly topical matter." -- Giovanni Sartori, Professor Emeritus, Columbia University” Twenty-First Century Populism is a highly impressive assessment of the state and character of contemporary European populism. Comprehensive and insightful, it combines valuable conceptual interpretations with a close analysis of different national experiences. This is essential reading for students of political parties and political culture in Europe today." -- Peter Mair, Professor of Comparative Politics, European University Institute, Italy "This extraordinary and timely book shows us how modern democracy throughout Europe is threatened and corrupted by modern populists. The analysis is brilliant, profound and deeply worrying." -- Sir Bernard Crick, Emeritus Professor of Birkbeck College, University of London, UK "For academics, journalists or students of democratic politics, populism is a puzzle which defies the traditional boundaries of political mobilization, party structures and programmers, values and policies. The very concept of democracy is challenged by the various forms of populism.

This book focuses on the latest economic and political issues in Europe. The European Union, or EU, an intergovernmental body composed of most of the European states, is one of the two largest in the world. Of the member states in the EU, Germany has the largest national economy. Thirteen EU countries share a common unit of currency, the Euro. Major economic sectors in Europe include agriculture, manufacturing, and investment. The majority of the EU's trade is with the United States, China, India, Russia and non-member European states.

This book consists of two major parts; first, a generic and analytical section which presents the developmental trends in privatization and internationalization of armed force, and second, an empirical section analyzing the impact of these trends on the Nordic countries' defence and security sectors. The Nordic countries have a special relevance as objects of study given their traditionally strong public spheres and state-orientated systems of governance. This volume questions whether the process of denationalization has reached a point where countries are reacting to changes in their security environment by increasingly introducing elements of privatization and international integration.

This book provides a valuable and original addition to such literature by analyzing what happens to a party when it enters government for the first time. Leading contributors assess how these parties, whether old or new, change when entering government by answering a set of questions: How and why has their role changed? What are the consequences of change? What explains the evolution from principled opposition to loyal opposition and eventually to participation in the executive? Which characteristics of the parties can be held responsible? Which characteristics of the parties' context should be brought into the picture? What have been the effects of the status change on party organization, party ideology and electoral results? Covering a wide range of European parties such as the Finish Greens, right wing parties (FN, Lega Nord and Alleanza Nazionale) and new parties in Italy, The Netherlands and Sweden to name a few; this book will be of particular interest to scholars and students concerned with party systems, political parties and comparative politics.

The project of European integration now spans Europe, but in becoming bigger and broader the European Union has brought on itself significant criticism. As the EU becomes deeper, wider, and more ambitious, so opposition and scepticism become more prominent for citizens and more problematic for elites. Concerns about a 'democratic deficit' and the distance between European elites and publics have come to be a common feature of European politics. As a consequence Euroscepticism has become a part of the terrain of conflict between political parties across Europe. Opposing Europe? provides the first comprehensive review of party-based Euroscepticism across the breadth of contemporary Europe, and the first in-depth comparative academic study of Euroscepticism. This, the first of two volumes, is made up of chapters that map, describe, and analyse Euroscepticism in the party systems of a range of countries and the European Parliament. Each is written to a common frame of reference that differentiates 'hard' and 'soft' Euroscepticism. The volume looks across Europe and includes EU member states and candidate and nonmember states in order to draw out comparative lessons that relate to the nature of political parties, party systems, and the domestic politics of European integration. Opposing Europe? is a groundbreaking, 'state of the art' book that provides a definitive review of a key issue in European politics. It is also one of the few attempts to integrate the fields of EU studies with both West European and East European studies in order to draw lessons about the way in which the EU interacts with domestic politics in both member and non-member states. Examining the way that parties position themselves and compete on the European issue provides powerful lessons for the trajectory of the European integration project more generally and on the prospects for the emergence of a European political system and polity.

This book provides an innovative examination of the European Union, as it departs from its path of integration. Indeed so far has it departed that it could be described as having entered a new reality. The original reality was that captured in the evocative phrase in its founding agreement, the Treaty of Rome, that it should be an "ever-closer union of peoples." Largely that was the path followed until the 1990s, but by the early twenty-first century there have been signs that it is turning into an ordinary international organization in which there is little overriding sense of purpose. This book discusses the indications of this development and explains why it happened only a decade or so after a peak of popular enthusiasm in the early 1990s. The question was whether the EU would become less important for the member states, as seemed to be the case for the British, or whether the German pattern, in which the EU remained important, would prevail. This book concludes that the former is more likely in part because of problems with the policies of the European Union and its conduct, but more specifically because of the current prevailing political culture in Western Europe. Paul Taylor warns that the current problems are underestimated and that there is the risk of casually throwing away the considerable achievements of the integration process. "The End of European Integration" will be of interest to all those with an interest in European integration, whether for or against.

A best-selling introduction to the policy-making processes at work in the European Union. Written by some of the leading authorities in the field, this new edition has been significantly improved. Three new chapters on Parliaments and policy-making, Monetary Union and integration, and Democracy and accountability in the EU fully revised and up-dated chapters to take into account the very latest theoretical and empirical developments in EU policy process new contributors to add to the already impressive range of authors --This text refers to an out of print or unavailable edition of this title.

This book aims to demystify the Union and make its institutions and processes more readily intelligible to all who share an interest in how the organization functions. It covers key aspects of the European Union in an authoritative yet clear and accessible style. The European Union is one of the world's most complex political systems: this makes it a challenge to study. To the uninitiated its institutions seem remote, its remit unclear, its operations difficult to understand and its outputs sometimes perplexing. It combines some attributes of a state with those of an international organization, yet it closely resembles neither. Its development is shaped by an increasing number of players, including 25 member governments, multiple common EU institutions, clusters of experts, private interests and citizen groups. All converge to influence what the EU is and what it does.

This book provides a historical overview, an innovative framework for analyzing the EU's external policies and theoretical conclusions about the EU's role as an international actor. With an original approach and a coherent structure, this volume offers a comprehensive overview of the expanding political science literature on Europe's international role in a range of external policy domains. It focuses on the 'soft' dimension of Europe's international action, often neglected in the literature.

States are seen as needing to provide responses to these new challenges, but parties within those states are equally challenged. The author examines how parties address those challenges and the manner in which parties act at supranational level.

Today between forty and sixty nations, home to over a billion people, have either collapsed or are teetering on the brink of failure. The world's worst problems-- terrorism, drugs and human trafficking, absolute poverty, ethnic conflict, disease, genocide--originate in such states, and the international community has devoted billions of dollars to solving the problem. Yet by and large the effort has not succeeded. Authors have taken an active part in the effort to save failed states for many years, serving as World Bank officials, as advisers to the UN, and as high-level participants in the new government of Afghanistan. Now, in Fixing Failed States, they describe the issue--vividly and convincingly--offering an on-the-ground picture of why past efforts have not worked and advancing a groundbreaking new solution to this most pressing of global crises. Military force, while certainly necessary on occasion, cannot solve the fundamental problems, and humanitarian interventions cost billions yet do not leave capable states in their wake. Authors argue that only an integrated state-building approach can heal these failing countries. As they explain, many of these countries already have the resources they need, if only we knew how to connect them to global knowledge and put them to work in the right way. Their statebuilding strategy, which assigns responsibility equally among the international community, national leaders, and citizens, maps out a clear path to political and economic stability. The authors provide a clear, practical framework for achieving these ends, supporting their case with first-hand examples of struggling territories such as Afghanistan, Sudan, Kosovo and Nepal as well as the world's success stories-- Singapore, Ireland, and even the American South. The battle against terror, poverty, climate change, and much more cannot be won unless we can save these nations. In Fixing Fixed States, two of the world's foremost authorities offer a way out of the current crisis--a framework for re-imagining the international system. It is a book that is unique in its essential optimism--an optimism that the authors have earned through their own substantial real-world efforts in failed states.

A tall, yellow-haired young European traveler calling himself 'Mogor dell'Amore', the Mughal of Love, arrives at the court of the real Grand Mughal, the Emperor Akbar, with a tale to tell that begins to obsess the whole imperial capital. The stranger claims to be the child of a lost Mughal princess, the youngest sister of Akbar's grandfather Babar: Qara Koz, 'Lady Black Eyes', a great beauty believed to possess powers of enchantment and sorcery, who is taken captive first by an Uzbek warlord, then by the Shah of Persia, and finally becomes the lover of a certain Argalia, a Florentine soldier of fortune, commander of the armies of the Ottoman Sultan. When Argalia returns home with his Mughal mistress the city is mesmerized by her presence, and much trouble ensues."The Enchantress of Florence" is the story of a woman attempting to command her own destiny in a man's world. It brings together two cities that barely know each other - the hedonistic Mughal capital, in which the brilliant emperor wrestles daily with questions of belief, desire and the treachery of sons, and the equally sensual Florentine world of powerful courtesans, humanist philosophy and inhuman torture, where Argalia's boyhood friend "il Machia" - Niccolr Machiavelli - is learning, the hard way, about the true brutality of power. These two worlds, so far apart, turn out to be uncannily alike, and the enchantments of women hold sway over them both. But is Mogor's story true? And if so, then what happened to the lost princess? And if he's a liar, must he die?

Exploring the secrets and complexities lying at the heart of family life and relationships, a collection of eight stories includes the title work, about a young mother in a new city whose father tends her garden while hiding a secret love affair.

This book's conceptual introduction to foreign policy analysis focuses on decision makers and decision making. Each chapter is organized around puzzles and questions to which undergraduate students can easily relate. As a whole, the book emphasizes the importance of individuals in foreign policy decision making, while also placing decision makers within the context that shapes their perceptions and actions.

This books examines major regional disputes and conflicts throughout the world as they impact upon both American domestic and foreign policy. These include: The ongoing “war on terrorism”; NATO enlargement to Russian borders; US intervention in Iraq; US confrontation with Iran; the feud between Israel and the Palestinians; the widening “zone of conflict” from Central Asia to sub-Saharan Africa; the global ramifications of North Korea’s nuclear program and China’s claims to Taiwan; Venezuela’s “Bolivarian Revolution” and the “war on drugs” in Latin America, the domestic socio-political effects of Latin American immigration upon the US. The book’s goal is to articulate an irenic American strategy intended to resolve, or at least transform, a number of these disputes and conflicts so as to prevent them from further “deepening” or “widening”—and to avert the real possibility of major power confrontation involving both clandestine and overt methods of warfare.

This book explores a little known aspect of the history of the Third Reich, largely neglected by historians. It relates the struggle between Party loyalists, who assumed that with the assumption of power in 1933, total state control was theirs, and entrenched diplomats in the Foreign Office, who initially viewed Hitler and his followers as representatives of a political party that would soon disappear. Jacobsen and Smith examine the efforts of certain Party members to replace the traditional Foreign Office with a Party creation called the Foreign Section (Auslands- Organisation der NSDAP, or AO). A young, ambitious Nazi named Ernst Wilhelm Bohle led the effort. The picture that emerges reveals a far greater effort by some Nazi Party leaders to realize the original intent to totally make Germany and the Party into one functioning unit dominated by National Socialist philosophy. The subtle resistance by some older and experienced Foreign Office members cannot be construed as a real opposition to Hitler so much as an arrogant desire to continue as an elite element of German government.

This book demonstrates the diverse responses to globalization, within, and between, two of the world's major - and most globally integrated - regions. Globalization, Public Opinion and the State is a pioneering empirical study, drawing on 18,000 interviews across these 18 European and Asian countries supported by the Japanese Ministry of Education. The Asian-Europe Survey is one of the largest of its kind ever conducted, and provides the book with a wealth of novel data on public opinion and social attitudes that identify the linkages between national/regional policy responses and the political and policy orientations of the publics affected. The book uses theoretical insights to situate these public responses and reactions to globalization; and it addresses one question in particular: do nation states matter in how citizens come to view regional and global engagement? Rather than offering another theory about globalization, this book presents much-needed empirical findings that help us decide between arguments about the public impact of globalization cross-nationally. This book breaks new ground as there no other comprehensive study in this field

The relationship between global governance and regionalization is fraught with ambiguity. Understanding regionalization in this context requires an understanding of its relationship, and reactive condition, with both the constellations of global governance and globalization. This book presents an overview and explores the distinctive but intersecting trajectories of regionalization and global governance. It surveys: the theoretical debates; the economic dimensions: multinationals, trade and investment, and labors; the security considerations: armed conflict, conflict prevention and peacekeeping and non-traditional security in Asia; the governing structures: managing contemporary multilevel architecture and cultural policy, leadership; and the L-20.The expert and multi-disciplinary editors and contributors survey the context as well as the general character of these projects, together with their links as both parallel mediating mechanisms and distinctive choices for interjecting governance into globalization. Examining these projects in tandem amplifies their importance and enables the author tease out coincidental as well as alternative possibilities in policy direction. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, area studies, international economics, international political economy, political science, public administration and development studies.

This book brings together a set of distinguished academics and activists to analyze, critique, and debate the global politics of poverty and justice and the contemporary nature of globalization. It examines the connections between 'really existing globalization', global capitalism, and global poverty, and the idea of and prospects for 'global justice' now and in the future. Identifying continuing contradictions between the stated aims of the reigning global economic orthodoxy and the actual consequences of these policies in relation to alleviation of severe poverty and injustice, the authors engage in a lively critique of the very visible campaigns to end global poverty during the past several years and especially in 2005, the year of the make Poverty History campaign, Live8, the Africa Commission's report, and the Gleneagles G8 summit. The contributions range from consideration of the meaning and definition of global justice, its relation to global ethics and development in both theory and practice, analysis of the new forms of global politics that challenge neoliberal globalization and global injustice, and trenchant critique of the practices and policies of some of the major organizations and agencies deeply involved in global poverty alleviation.

Globalization challenges social work with constant social change, making a social worker's job and the task of social work education more complex and uncertain. Post-modern thinking suggests that social workers must learn to cope with complexity in ways that are in tension with the increasingly managerialist organization of the social services. The authors' explore and question the concepts of 'postmodern', 'international' and 'global' in light of growing interest in international social work in the early 21st century. Emphasizing the importance of critical reflection, they argue that educational colonization can be challenged and effective anti-discriminatory and pro-equality practice and education promoted. Each chapter provides direct examples of how students and academics can apply these ideas in practice and in their learning, and how they can respond to and influence the challenges and changes that are taking place. The authors' also examine educational and practice issues arising from attempts to incorporate international understanding into national practice and education systems. The book is designed to be stimulating to academics interested in international social work while remaining accessible to practitioners and students without international experience.

Gulzar, one of India's finest film-makers and lyricists, has always been a poet at heart. His oeuvre is steeped in a poetic sensibility, marked by a lyricism rare in the world of Hindi cinema. Born in 1934, Gulzar's journey as a poet began with the Progressive Writers' movement. Today, he is regarded as one of India's foremost Urdu poets, unparalleled in his exploration of human relationships and the insight and sensitivity with which he addresses the many facets of daily life. Whether evoking an abiding nostalgia for yesterday ('The Heart Seeks'), lamenting the lack of time to spend with the beloved ('A Day to Spend'), or composing an elegy for a tree uprooted by a storm ('Amaltas'), Gulzar's poetry reflects his keen observation of life and the environment around him. Without in anyway compromising on artistry or lyricism, his poems incorporate the mundane and the everyday to create vivid images, like in 'Clothes', where the act of washing and drying clothes becomes a metaphor for a relationship gone wrong, or 'Monsoon' which draws an unforgettable parallel between the rainwater gushing through streets and young children returning home victorious in a match.