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Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin, May 2015

Patiala House, Annexe 'B',
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Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
May - 2015



    1.    Sangar, Eric
            The Weight of the Past(s): The Impact of the Bundeswehr’s Use of Historical Experience on Strategy-Making in Afghanistan

            Journal of Strategic Studies 38(4), May, 2015: 411-444
This article seeks to explain the basic dynamics of the development of the German military approach in Afghanistan between 2003 and 2010 by looking at the impact of the Bundeswehr’s established uses of historical experience. First, the German military approach in Afghanistan has slowly evolved from a peacebuilding and mediation mission towards a full-fledged combat deployment. Second, the Bundeswehr’s exclusive focus on the World War II experience has contributed to the emergence of the Balkans experience as a formative experience that shaped initial operational thinking in Afghanistan. Third, because a thorough debate on the historical foundation of counterinsurgency remained absent, the operational shift in 2009 was perceived as a return to ‘classical’ military tasks and thus led to an almost exclusive focus on training for combat.

 1. Afghanistan-Bundeswehr military approach 2. Afghanistan- Counterinsurgency 3. Afghanistan-German military 4. ISAF
          -URBAN VIOLENCE  
    2.    Raleigh, Clionadh
            Urban Violence Patterns Across African States

            International Studies Review 17(1), March, 2015: 90-106

This analysis of urban political violence across Africa considers why the proportion and frequency of conflict is increasing in urban areas while decreasing in rural areas. The decline of formally organized violence in predominantly rural areas, and the increase of more variegated forms of political opposition and conflict in urban zones, is interrogated through demographic and grievance-based explanations. Urban violence displays a range of agents, goals, intensities, and triggers and is alternatively regarded as a response to the lack of capacity and poor governance found in urban contexts, or to the changing demographic and political character of African states. Yet, the multiple, low-intensity forms of urban violence present—including militia attacks, communal contests, riots, and protests—indicate a change in the collective action capabilities and goals of modern conflict agents. These goals are themselves shaped by the experience of mounting urban grievances, but the ethnic and regional heterogeneity in urban areas prevents substantial collective action to counter the urban marginalization practiced by many African governments. Despite the low-intensity nature of urban threats, this compounded violence is a substantial security threat across developing states and is leading to the rise of the “fragile city.”

 1. Africa-Urban violence
    3.    Qvortrup, Matt
            T-Test for Terrorism: Did the Introduction of Proportional Representation Reduce the Terrorist Threat? A Time-Series Case Study of Algeria and Northern Ireland

            Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 38(4), April, 2015: 294-304

Can electoral reform lead to a reduction in the number of terrorist incidents? Economists have shown that the introduction of constitutional institutions such as courts in the early eighteenth century had a direct effect on investment. Could there be a similar link between the introduction of proportional representation (PR) electoral systems and a reduction in the number of terrorist attacks? Previous studies using cross-sectional data have found a negative correlation between the presence of PR-electoral systems and the number of terrorist incidents. However, earlier studies were based on aggregate figures, not on time-series data. They did not provide a direction that could be used to measure the possible effect of the introduction of PR. This research note addresses this problem. Using a paired samples t-test it is possible to show that the introduction of proportional representation in Northern Ireland and Algeria led to a marked reduction in the number of terrorist attacks. The note thus adds strength to earlier studies.
               1. Algeria-Terrorism 2. Northern Ireland-Terrorism
    4.    Bezooijen, Bart Van and Kramer, Eric- Hans
            Mission Command in the Information Age: A Normal Accidents Perspective on Networked Military Operations

            Journal of Strategic Studies 38(4), May, 2015: 445-466

Theory on the use of information technology in military operations assumes that bringing together units in an information network helps units to work together. Decentralized command systems such as mission command have been proposed for these networks, so that units can adapt to changes in their turbulent working environments. Others have proposed centralized command systems that permit higher organizational levels to closely direct military operations. This article uses Perrow’s (1984, 1999) Normal Accidents Theory to propose that increasing interdependencies between units in information networks places incompatible demands on the design of networked military operations. It is concluded that networked military operations require decentralized command approaches, but only under the condition that interdependencies between modules of networked units are weak rather than tight. This precondition is essential for retaining control over networked military operations.

 1. Arms control 2. Network-Centric warfare 3. Military transformation
    5.    Jungdahi, Adam M and Macdonald, Julia M
            Innovation Inhibitors in War: Overcoming Obstacles in the Pursuit of Military Effectiveness

            Journal of Strategic Studies 38(4), May, 2015: 467-499

What explains the pace at which militaries adopt new technology? We argue that the hierarchical structure and unique expertise requirements of military organizations combine to empower select individuals as ‘gatekeepers’ of innovation. These individuals acquire beliefs throughout their military careers regarding the nature and means of warfare that act to shape their attitudes towards new military innovations. By filtering, sidelining, and ignoring competing sources of advice and information, these officers actively inhibit the adoption of new, often advantageous, innovations. We develop this argument through the analysis of two cases: the delayed acquisition of breech-loading and repeating rifles by the Union Army during the American Civil War, and the failure of the US Army to adopt an adequate heavy-type tank in World War II.

1. Arms control 2. Wartime innovation 3. Military effectiveness
    6.    Pluchinsky, Dennis
            “Special” Communiqué Issued by the Belgian Marxist Terrorist Group, “Communist Combatant Cells” (CCC)

            Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 38(4), April, 2015: 305-309

This section of Studies in Conflict & Terrorism is dedicated to the reprinting of selected, translated terrorist communiqués that provide insights into the mindset, worldview, or operational thinking of a group. In terms of communiqués, this section employs the following typology of terrorist communiqués. There are three types of terrorist communiqués: attack, strategic, and special. Attack communiqués are issued to claim responsibility for an attack, explain the target selected, and provide the political rationale for attacking the target. A strategic communiqué is a longer document that is issued to provide strategic direction or commentary on political events, issues, and developments relevant to the group's cause and constituency. It can be used to explain changes of strategy or reinforce the strategic direction of the group. The special communiqué is similar to the attack communiqué in that it is event-driven but addresses non-attack events like anniversary dates, hunger strikes, elections, deaths of leaders, ceasefires, issuing threats or warnings, annual       

progress reports, issuing apologies, and so on. All three communiqués are issued publicly and intended to influence various audiences.
   1. Belgium-Marxist terrorist groups 2. Belgium-Communist combatant cell
          -FOOD SOVEREIGNTY    

    7.    Kerssen, Tanya M
            Food sovereignty and the quinoa boom: challenges to sustainable re-peasantisation in the southern Altiplano of Bolivia

            Third World Quarterly 36(3), 2015: 489-507
In the last three decades, quinoa has gone from a globally obscure food to an internationally traded product with rising global consumer demand. This transformation has had complex social and ecological impacts on the indigenous agropastoral communities of the southern Altiplano region of Bolivia. This article analyses the role that global quinoa markets have played in the repopulation and revitalisation of this region, previously hollowed out by out-migration. Yet, it also points to a number of local tensions and contradictions generated or magnified by this process, as peasants struggle to harness the quinoa boom as a force of ‘sustainable re- peasantisation’ and ‘living well’. Finally, the article suggests that the food sovereignty movement should place greater emphasis on examining the culturally and historically specific challenges facing re- peasantisation in particular places.
1. Bolivia-Food sovereignty

    8.    McCoy, John and Knight, W Andy
            Homegrown Terrorism in Canada: Local Patterns, Global Trends

            Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 38(4), April, 2015: 253-274

The article examines how global trends related to militant Islamism have influenced patterns of homegrown terrorism in Canada. It seeks to understand how an evolving movement has shaped three case studies, two cases of homegrown terrorism, the case of Momin Khawaja, the “Toronto 18” plot, and the emerging trend of extremist travelers. Recognizing the notable gap in the literature, a growing number of cases of homegrown terrorism and extremism in Canada suggest that further study is required. The article asks why Canadians choose to participate in this movement and why militant Islamist movements are actively recruiting them.

1. Canada-Terrorism 2. Canada-Political violence 3. Momin Khawaja terrorism case
    9.    Esberg, Jane
            Democracy's Effect on Terrorist Organizations: Regime Type and Armed Group Behavior in Chile

            Terrorism and Political Violence 27(2), April-June, 2015: 243-267

How does democracy influence terrorism? The regime-responsive school argues that lack of representation in autocracies motivates violence; the regime- permissive school posits that individual liberty in democracies allows it. The schools thus disagree about the democratic feature to which violence responds—representation or individual liberty. These arguments are problematic in two ways. First, neither accounts for the potentially competing effects of different democratic features. Second, treating terrorism as a set response to operating context ignores the operational processes behind violence, described in organizational theories of terrorism. This article develops a bridge between the regime-responsive and regime-permissive schools by applying organizational theories of terrorism to their key arguments. I argue that representation and individual liberty have independent, and sometimes competing, effects on armed groups' missions, hierarchies, and membership—collectively organizational capacity, the ability to survive and influence the environment. This explains the mixed effects of democracy on terrorism: both high-functioning democracy and repressive autocracy weaken organizational capacity, but decreased representation in a democracy or higher individual liberty in an autocracy removes organizational stresses. New
                research on Chile between 1965 and 1995—representing five government periods, with four armed groups operating—acts as an initial test of these relationships.

1. Chile-Terrorism 2. Chile-Terrorist organizations 3. Chile-Democracy
    10.    Bader, Julia
            China, Autocratic Patron? An Empirical Investigation of China as a Factor in Autocratic Survival

            International Studies Quarterly 59(1), March, 2015: 23-33

Critics frequently accuse China of acting as a patron for autocratic states. But does Chinese engagement actually increase the stability of authoritarian clients? This article demonstrates that Chinese bilateral interactions have little effect on the longevity of autocratic regimes. Analyses of different forms of Chinese bilateral engagement between 1993 and 2008—including state visits, arms trading, aid projects, economic cooperation, and trade dependence—show that only export dependence on China may increase the likelihood of survival for autocratic regimes while doing little to stabilize their democratic counterparts.

1. China-Autocratic states 2. China-Bilateral engagement 3. China-Foreign policy
    11.    Pallister-Wilkins, Polly
            The Humanitarian Politics of European Border Policing: Frontex and Border Police in Evros

            International Political Sociology 9(1), March, 2015: 53-69

This paper explores humanitarianism in the practice of Frontex-assisted Greek border police in Evros and of Frontex at their headquarters in Warsaw. Building on the increase in humanitarian justifications for border policing practices as well as the charges of a lack of humanity, the paper analyzes the relations between humanitarian responses and border policing where humanitarianism is used for framing and giving meaning to institutional and operational practices. In offering an interpretive view of border policing undertaken by people in their working lives across sites and scales, it builds on the critical literature addressing the multifaceted nature of border control in Europe today. At the same time, it speaks to wider debates about the double-sided nature of humanitarian governance concerned with care and control. It argues that while humanitarian motivations have implications for operations in the field and help to frame “good practice” at the policy level, humanitarianism should not be seen as additional or paradoxical to wider border policing operations within forms of governance developed to address the problems of population. Conflict arises in the paradox of protection between the subject of humanitarianism and policing, the population, and the object of border control, the territorially bounded state or regional unit.

1. Europe-Humanitarian politics 2. European border police 3. Greek border police           
    12.    Blumenau, Bernhard
            Taming the Beast: West Germany, the Political Offence Exception, and the Council of Europe Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism

            Terrorism and Political Violence 27(2), April-June, 2015: 310-330

In the 1970s, Western European countries were hit hard by terrorism, especially by international terrorism that crossed borders easily and allowed terrorists of different origins to carry out attacks against both governments and people. Consequently, the necessity of fighting this menace also extended to international organisations. This article looks at how the Council of Europe dealt with the issue, and assesses the negotiations that led to the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism from the German perspective. West Germany was very interested in establishing a sounder                        
international legal framework against terrorism and thought that the Council of Europe would be able to make an important contribution by abolishing the political offence exception that had so far been a core feature of most extradition treaties. This clause allowed political criminals to escape punishment by fleeing to a country that would deny extradition to a different country on the grounds of the political nature of the act committed by the person in question. The article gives an account and analysis of the complex negotiations that finally resulted in the adoption of the Convention in 1977, as well as of the problems encountered and compromises reached during these negotiations.

 1. Germany-Terrorism 2. Germany-Legal framework against terrorism 3. Council of Europe-Suppression of terrorism
          -EUROPEAN UNION  
    13.    Kornprobst, Markus
            Building agreements upon agreements: The European Union and grand strategy

            European Journal of International Relations 21(2), June, 2015: 267-292

What explains the European Union’s successes and failures in producing a grand strategy? Conceptualizing grand strategy as a composite commonplace linking together understandings of scene, agent, purpose and means (tetrad), I contend that the European Union has a grand strategy. In the early 1990s, advocates succeeded in institutionalizing the diffusion strategy. A decade later, however, the advocates of the European Security Strategy failed to do so. My explanation of this descriptive finding focuses on the constellation of prior agreements on the components of the tetrad. In both cases, widely taken-for-granted agreements on a recently shifted scene (security environment) provided openings for the advocates. But only the advocates of diffusion had the opportunity to work with equally widely taken- for-granted agreements on agent (identity), purpose (interest) and means (power). The advocates for the European Security Strategy, by contrast, were lacking such a favourable social context. Borrowing from rhetorical studies, this study makes a threefold contribution to the study of grand strategy. It moves beyond the literature’s statism; shows that grand strategy is constituted by interpretations not just of power and interest, but also of the security environment and identity; and clarifies that explanations of the making of grand strategy need to inquire into the making of agreements rather than merely the interplay of material forces. My findings that the European Union has a grand strategy and came to adopt it by building a new agreement upon already-existing ones also have implications for the study of European Union foreign policy and International Relations Theory.

1. International organizations-European Union 2. European Union-foreign policy 3. European Union-Security strategy

       -UNITED NATIONS    
    14.    Stojek, Szymon M and Tir, Jaroslav
            The supply side of United Nations peacekeeping operations: Trade ties and United Nations-led deployments to civil war states

            European Journal of International Relations 21(2), June, 2015: 352-376

Peacekeeping operations have been identified as the most effective and efficient solution to the highly intractable problem of civil war recurrence; yet, only about 38% of civil wars receive peacekeeping assistance. To explain what determines whether an intrastate conflict receives a deployment of peacekeepers, we note that peacekeeping operations are costly endeavors requiring significant material investments. Focusing on the United Nations and its peacekeeping operations, we argue that because a relatively small group of states decides about (and funds) possible deployments, the supply of United Nations peacekeeping operations likely reflects the interests of these states. Specifically, we hypothesize that trade ties between the five permanent members of the Security Council and civil war states are among the factors that influence the decision to authorize United Nations peacekeeping operations. Testing the argument over the post-World War II and post-Cold War periods reveals that the economic interests of the permanent five members of the Security Council play a key role in explaining which civil wars receive United Nations peacekeepers.
       1. International organizations-United Nations 2. United Nations-Peacekeeping operations
    15.    Charnysh, Volha, Lloyd, Paulette and Simmons, Beth A
            Frames and consensus formation in international relations: The case of trafficking in persons

            European Journal of International Relations 21(2), June, 2015: 323-351

This article examines the process of consensus formation by the international community regarding how to confront the problem of trafficking in persons. We analyze the corpus of United Nations General Assembly Third Committee resolutions to show that: (1) consensus around the issue of how to confront trafficking in persons has increased over time; and (2) the formation of this consensus depends upon how the issue is framed. We test our argument by examining the characteristics of resolutions’ sponsors and discursive framing concepts such as crime, human rights, and the strength of enforcement language. We conclude that the consensus-formation process in international relations is more aptly described as one of ‘accommodation’ through issue linkage than a process of persuasion.

 1. International relations 2. United Nations-trafficking in persons 3. Transnational crime
    16.    Koddenbrock, Kai Jonas
            Strategies of critique in International Relations: From Foucault and Latour towards Marx

            European Journal of International Relations 21(2), June, 2015: 243-266

Critique is back on the scholarly agenda. Since the financial crisis, critique has been debated in philosophy and sociology with renewed rigour. International Relations is currently picking up on these developments. Yet, the critique of capitalism is largely absent in International Relations. This article argues that the theoretical resources deployed among ‘radical’ International Relations help explain this phenomenon. In order to rectify this, the article aims to resituate Marx at the centre of the debate about critique. Based on a discussion of the understandings of critique by Michel Foucault and Bruno Latour, the article shows that their conscious focus on the small and the contingent has prevented a more totalizing strategy of critique from taking hold. The article illustrates this unwillingness to situate social life in our capitalist social whole by zooming in on ‘resistant’ intervention scholarship. Speaking to the nature of International Relations more broadly, in a second step, the article shows that this lack of ‘totalizing’ analysis has been present in International Relations and International Political Economy since their inception. Taking into account Marxian and Critical Theoretical understandings of totality, the article outlines a totalizing strategy of critique. This strategy has two components: it takes capitalism as such seriously; and it offers a methodology to implement this substantial shift using Marx’s dynamic method of ‘concretization’.

  1. International relations 2. International political economy
    17.    MacKay, Joseph
            Rethinking the IR theory of empire in late imperial China

            International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 15(1), January, 2015: 53-79

International relations scholars have recently taken increased interest in empire. However, research has often focused on European colonial empires. This article aims to evaluate imperialism in a non-Western historical setting: Late Imperial China. The article first compares extant international relations (IR) accounts of empire (one broad and one narrow) to theories of the East Asian hierarchical international system. Second, to further specify analysis, I evaluate IR theories of empire against the historical record of the Ming and Qing dynasties, addressing Chinese relations with surrounding ‘tributary’ states, conquered imperial possessions, and other neighboring polities. I argue that while IR theories of empire capture much of the region's historical politics, they nonetheless underspecify it. Theories of East Asian hierarchy suggest additional mechanisms at work. The historical cases suggest extensive variation in how empires expand and consolidate. I conclude that there is room for further theory building about empire in IR and suggest possible areas of emphasis.
 1. International relations 2. China-Foreign relations-Tributary States 3. East Asian hierarchy 4. Ming international politics 5. Qing international politics
    18.    Wigen, Einar
            Two-level language games: International relations as inter-lingual relations

            European Journal of International Relations 21(2), June, 2015: 427-450

To the extent that polities interact across linguistic boundaries, international relations are also inter-lingual relations. Since relations and practices are given meaning in language, it has to be possible to give at least a minimum of shared meaning to mutual relations in order for inter- lingual relations to function smoothly. Otherwise, the divergence of meaning and consequently also of social expectations will limit the possible extent and quality of those relations. Nevertheless, International Relations has not theorised inter-lingual relations. This article addresses this deficiency by proposing a theory of ‘conceptual entanglement’ as an approach to studying how compatibility of meaning comes about and is maintained between linguistic communities and hence also between polities. With the ‘expansion of international society’ from the 19th century onwards, linguistic divides have gradually narrowed, especially in terms of political vocabularies. Yet, residues remain, making inter-lingual relations qualitatively different for different pairs of languages, and thus also for polities. The article elaborates on how conceptual entanglement is an aspect of ‘entry’ into international society by using the theory on the case of how the French concept of ‘civilisation’ was translated into Ottoman and became part of the political vocabulary of the Ottoman Empire and later Turkey.

1. International relations 2. Inter-lingual relations 3. Ottoman empire

    19.    Jones, Blake W
            “How Does a Born-Again Christian Deal with a Born-Again Moslem?” The Religious Dimension of the Iranian Hostage Crisis

            Diplomatic History 39(2), June, 2015: 423-451

The Iranian hostage crisis remains as one of the dominant memories from the presidency of Jimmy Carter. While scholars and journalists have devoted considerable attention to the administration's response to the crisis, no one has focused on the religious dimension of the hostage crisis. Drawing extensively on the archival records of the Jimmy Carter Presidential Library, this study argues that American and Iranian perceptions of the other's religion complicated a conflict already fraught with sacred symbolism. While the Iranians castigated Carter for insincerely professing his faith, the president's foreign policy advisors underestimated the role of religion in the new Iranian regime and how it might be used to bring the hostages home. The hostages finally came home when the United States negotiated with Iran's religious leaders and those leaders no longer had any political use for the hostages. Ultimately, this essay contributes to the relatively small literature analyzing the foreign relations of the Carter administration through a religious lens.

 1. Iran-Religious conflicts-USA 2. USA-Foreign relations-Iran 3. USA-Foreign policy-Iran
          -HUMAN INSECURITY    

    20.    Kfir, Isaac
            Social Identity Group and Human (In)Security: The Case of Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL)

                Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 38(4), April, 2015: 233-252

The article uses social identity group theory and human insecurity to examine the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). After first defining social group identity and its characteristics, the article reviews the Al Qaeda ideology that serves as the foundation of ISIL, before turning attention to the message and legacy of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and their profound influence on ISIL. The article concludes by arguing that only by ending the marketplace of identities can stability be restored to Iraq and Syria.
                1. Iraq-Human insecurity 2. Iraq-Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant 3. Iraq- Jihadi groups 4. Iraq-Al Qaeda
    21.    Kollars, Nina A
            War’s Horizon: Soldier-Led Adaptation in Iraq and Vietnam

            Journal of Strategic Studies 38(4), May, 2015: 529-553

Wartime adaptation is a process of adjustment from the war you planned for to the one you have. This process of adjustment is done, in part, by the practitioners of war in the theater of conflict–soldier-led adaptation. Drawing upon two case studies of gun truck development in Iraq and Vietnam I argue that soldiers created networks in order to adapt to battlefield challenges and that the pattern of those networks carries implications for the likelihood of formal adoption by the organization. Simply put, the pattern of the flow of ideas, resources, and skills across the battlefield may affect the likelihood of bottom-up adaptation.

1. Iraq-Military adaptation 2. Vietnam-Military adaptation 3. Iraq-Gun truck
          -DEFENSE FORCES  
    22.    Marcus, Raphael D
            Military Innovation and Tactical Adaptation in the Israel–Hizballah Conflict: The Institutionalization of Lesson-Learning in the IDF

            Journal of Strategic Studies 38(4), May, 2015: 500-528

This article highlights a pattern of military adaptation and tactical problem-solving utilized by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) while engaged in protracted conflict with the Lebanese militant group Hizballah. It discusses the IDF’s recent attempts to institutionalize their historically intuitive process of ad-hoc learning by developing a formal tactical-level mechanism for ‘knowledge management’. The diffusion of this battlefield lesson-learning system that originated at lower-levels of the organization is examined, as well as its implementation and effectiveness during the 2006 Lebanon War. A nuanced analysis of IDF adaptation illustrates the dynamic interplay between both ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom- up’ processes of military innovation.

 1. Israel-Defense forces 2. Israel-Hizballah 3. Israel-Military innovation 4. Lebanon war
    23.    Curtis, Gerald L
            Japan: Stepping Forward but Not Stepping Out

            American Foreign Policy Interests 37(1), January-February, 2015: 19-22

This year marks the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II, and the occasion falls as Prime Minister Shinzo Abe seeks to expand Japan's security and defense posture. In light of the executions of Japanese citizens in the Middle East, all eyes have been on Abe and his activist foreign policy. The U.S.–Japan alliance is healthy and the two allies are in the final stages of revising the guidelines for defense cooperation. However, Japan's relations with China and South Korea have been strained as a result of disputes over Japan's role in World War II and territorial claims. Recently, the Forum on Asia-Pacific Security (FAPS) at the NCAFP started a U.S.–China–Japan trilateral dialogue to ease tensions between China and Japan while managing the alliance with Japan and maintaining stable relations with China in a complex political environment. The most recent conference emphasized the most important challenge for the major powers in the Asia-Pacific—to contain the downward trend toward strategic rivalry and to start developing a stable and cooperative relationship.

  1. Japan-Defense cooperation-USA 2. Japan-China-USA-Trilateral relations
          -ANTI- AMERICANISM  
    24.    Bush, Sarah Sunn and Jamal, Amaney A
            Anti-Americanism, Authoritarian Politics, and Attitudes about Women's Representation: Evidence from a Survey Experiment in Jordan

            International Studies Quarterly 59(1), March, 2015: 34-45

A pillar of American foreign policy in the Middle East since September 11, 2001, has been promoting democracy, with particular emphasis on support for women's representation. Given high levels of anti-Americanism in the region, does foreign pressure for policy reform undermine this project? Evidence from a nationally representative survey experiment in Jordan shows that an American endorsement of women in politics has no average effect on popular support for women's representation. Instead, domestic patterns of support and opposition to autocrats determine citizens' receptivity to policy endorsements, with policy endorsements of foreign-supported reforms polarizing public opinion. Both foreign and domestic endorsements of women in politics depress support among Jordanians who oppose their regime significantly more than among Jordanians who support it.

 1. Jordan-Anti-Americanism 2. Jordan-Women's representation 3. USA-Foreign policy-Jordan
    25.    Fauzi, Ahmad and Hamid, Abdul
            Spirituality as an integral part of Islamic business: The case of Global Ikhwan

            Pacific Affairs 88(2), June, 2015: 173-192

The Global Ikhwan group of companies was founded in 2008 to succeed the Rufaqa' Corporation, established in 1997 to take over the business interests of Darul Arqam after its members consistently landed in trouble with Malaysia's Islamic authorities. Banned in 1994, Arqam members survived state repression by reconfiguring themselves as successful businessmen operating under the banner of Global Ikhwan, whose steady expansion outlived the demise of its controversial chairman, Ashaari Muhammad, in May 2010. Spreading its wings transnationally even to Haramayn—the hub of Islamic worship in Saudi Arabia—Global Ikhwan was distinctively helmed by a woman, Khadijah Aam, one of Ashaari's widows. An analysis of the business experience of Global Ikhwan adds a fresh perspective to understanding Muslim economic norms. Global Ikhwan has carved out a philosophy for its members that is spiritual and traditional, yet at the same time enterprising and innovative. Global Ikhwan attributes its phenomenal success directly to its endeavour to apply Sufi doctrines to the economic realm, despite a common taxonomy of knowledge in Islam which discusses spirituality and business as if they were separate worlds. While Islam does outline moral guidelines for regulating business, whether intra-Muslim or between Muslims and non-Muslims, it has been unusual for the ulama or Muslim religious scholars and Muslim entrepreneurs to ascribe Muslim success in business to Islamic precepts, let alone Sufi principles. Global Ikhwan is an instructive exception.

  1. Malaysia-Islam and business 2. Global Ikhwan 3. Malaysia-Islamic business      
    26.    Mohamad, Maznah and Saravanamuttu, Johan
            Islamic banking and finance: Sacred alignment, strategic alliances

            Pacific Affairs 88(2), June, 2015: 193-213

This case study from Malaysia adds a new dimension to critiques of Islamic banking and finance (IBF) by studying various aspects of its agency and showing how its growth complements and sometimes supersedes its spiritual components, resulting in new power alignments. The first significant consequence of IBF has been its global role in an emergent multipolar financial and regulatory global space. Second, by the creation of new alliances and governing classes, it demonstrates a capacity for eschewing the encumbrances of older religious structures and institutions. IBF resonates well within the restructuring agenda of a post-neoliberal global financial order, while reshaping the meaning of religion through a post-secular worldview. Here is where the role of the new agents and authorial voices of Islamic commerce have become crucial in mediating the ethical and material tensions of IBF, acting as the free market reformers of once inflexible doctrines. Thus, the sustainability of IBF hinges upon the empowerment of this new class of secular agents. These agents of IBF find their legitimacy through the seemingly unlikely path of dereligionizing Islamic practices through commerce.

   1. Malaysia-Islamic banking and finance 2. Malaysia-Islamic commerce
    27.    Gomez, Edmund Terence, Hunt, Robert and Roxborogh, John
            Introduction: Religion, Business and Contestation in Malaysia and Singapore

            Pacific Affairs 88(2), June, 2015: 153-171

The articles in this special issue examine the interactions of religious, economic and political power by exploring the impact on multi-ethnic societies in Malaysia and Singapore of prominent non-mainstream Christian and Muslim groups whose significant business activities relate to their religious faith. A study of the enterprises developed by these groups provides insights into the importance of religion to their leaders and the groups they represent when initiating and operating these businesses. Because these enterprises are engaged in sustained contact with different publics, the question is raised whether they are implicated in proselytization and if this leads to social conflict resulting in fragmentation and polarization, or whether they can be a force for positive change in society by contributing to the resolution of social and economic problems. Moreover, state authorities concerned about rival centres of power find it difficult to ignore potent combinations of economic and religious influence, but both the development of these combinations and the political response to their existence owe much to the globalization of religious ideas, current economic orthodoxies and the Southeast Asian context.

  1. Malaysia-Religious impact on Business 2. Singapore-Religious impact on Business 3. Malaysia-Religious transitions 4. Singapore-Religious transitions  
          -FOOD SOVEREIGNTY    

    28.    Godek, Wendy
            Challenges for food sovereignty policy making: the case of Nicaragua’s Law 693

            Third World Quarterly 36(3), 2015: 526-543

Food sovereignty policy initiatives face significant challenges in their quest to be approved. This article examines the case of Nicaragua’s Law 693, the Law of Food and Nutritional Sovereignty and Security, which was passed in 2009. Drawing on empirical research, the article details the initial stages of the policy-making process – from the origins and development of the proposal for a food sovereignty law to its introduction and initial deliberation by the National Assembly to the breakdown in the approval process because of conflict over the law’s content. Using theoretical insights from the food sovereignty and food security policy literature, Law 693 is examined, noting key limitations food sovereignty faced during the policy- making process. The study finds that the strength and force of national food sovereignty discourses, the ability of food sovereignty advocates
to convince others of the legitimacy and viability of the food sovereignty approach, and the willingness of the state to create the necessary conditions to foster food sovereignty are all important factors when evaluating the potential for food sovereignty to be successfully adopted into public policies.

   1. Nicaragua-food sovereignty
          - BIOPOLITICS  
    29.    Busse, Jan
            The Biopolitics of Statistics and Census in Palestine

            International Political Sociology 9(1), March, 2015: 70-89

This article addresses the importance of statistics for governing populations in the context of Palestine. On the basis of Michel Foucault's understanding of governmentality, I argue that social statistics represent crucial biopolitical technologies of governmentality. While statistical knowledge as a modern phenomenon originated in Western Europe in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the case of Palestine clearly shows the importance of modern statistics beyond the OECD world. In a first step, I will elaborate on the emergence of social statistics as modern phenomena for governing populations. In this regard, the “discovery of the population” represents a fundamental prerequisite for the “birth of modern statistics” and the systematic utilization of statistical data for governing purposes. On this basis, I will argue social statistics are of crucial importance for governing the daily lives of the Palestinian population. Moreover, I will present the emergence of Palestinian statistics as a global phenomenon. It will become evident that social statistics and inferred demographic politics are essential for the sustainment of societal order in Palestine. This is particularly so regarding related inclusionary and exclusionary dynamics—namely Palestinian nation-building on the one hand and the Palestinian–Israeli demographic contestation on the other.

  1. Palestine-Biopolitics 2. Palestine-Census
    30.    Szekely, Ora
            Doing Well by Doing Good: Understanding Hamas's Social Services as Political Advertising

            Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 38(4), April, 2015: 275-292

Like many nonstate military actors, Hamas has long provided social services to its constituents, but the mechanismby which charity leads to increased public support is poorly understood. This article argues that providing charity benefits nonstate actors not because it isolates recipients or acts as a bribe but because it allows organizations like Hamas to overcome the legacies of their own military activities and extremist ideologies. Service provision allows them to demonstrate that they are not merely soldiers or ideologues, but capable bureaucrats and managers as well.

   1. Palestine-Hamas social service 2. Palestine-Military movement

    31.    Snetkov, Aglaya and Lanteigne, Marc
            ‘The Loud Dissenter and its Cautious Partner’ – Russia, China, global governance and humanitarian intervention

                International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 15(1), January, 2015: 113- 146

The global issue of humanitarian intervention has become more pronounced and complicated in recent years due to increasingly diverging views on addressing security crises between the West on one side and Russia and China on the other. Despite their support for the principles of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P), both Russia and China are wary of Western intervention in internal conflicts after the Cold War and have become increasingly critical of Western-led armed intervention
in humanitarian conflicts. Unease in Beijing and Moscow over the multilateral intervention in the 2011 Libyan conflict and their ongoing opposition to Western policies in the Syrian Civil War since 2011 would seem to point to ever more coincidence in their negative views of American and Western intervention policies. A conventional wisdom has thus emerged that there is something akin to a Sino–Russian ‘bloc’, with near-identical policies of discouraging armed intervention within state borders under the aegis of humanitarian intervention or the R2P doctrine, signed in 2005 (2005 World Summit). However, closer examination of Russian and Chinese positions on the Libyan and Syrian conflicts, drawing on normative and identity perspectives, reveals significant differences in how both states address intervention in civil conflicts involving human rights emergencies. Indeed, the Libyan and Syrian cases suggest that the distance between the two states on ‘acceptable’ policies toward international intervention in civil conflicts may actually be increasing. While Russia has assumed the role of the ‘loud dissenter’ in global dialogs on humanitarian intervention, China has opted for the position of a ‘cautious partner’.

1. Russia-Humanitarian intervention 2. Russia-Security culture 3. China- Humanitarian intervention 4. China-Security culture
    32.    Linke, Andrew M and O'Loughlin, John
            Reconceptualizing, Measuring, and Evaluating Distance and Context in the Study of Conflicts: Using Survey Data from the North Caucasus of Russia

            International Studies Review 17(1), March, 2015: 107-125

How does political violence affect the attitudes and beliefs of affected populations? This question remains of central concern to the discipline of conflict studies. In response, we make the case (by empirical example) that the choice of spatial and temporal ranges of analysis influences conclusions about the associations between exposure to political conflict and subsequent opinions. Using 2005 survey data from Russia's North Caucasus and georeferenced conflict data for the preceding 2 years, we find that violence affects levels of ethnic pride, trust in public institutions, and preferences for ethno-territorial separation, as well as other postwar attitudes. By designating a wide range of distance and time boundaries for capturing a conflict/attitude relationship, we argue for a more inductive style of analyzing theoretical propositions than is usually found in the field of conflict research. Our research is framed within the theoretical and empirical discussions of contextual-, neighborhood-, and community-level drivers of individual-level outcomes from the political geography and conflict studies literatures.

  1. Russia-Political violence
          - RELIGION  
    33.    Chong, Terence
            Megachurches in Singapore: The Faith of an Emergent Middle Class

            Pacific Affairs 88(2), June, 2015: 215-235

Using original research data, this paper outlines three characteristics that have contributed to the rapid rise of independent Pentecostal megachurches in Singapore. Firstly, megachurches have been very successful in attracting emergent middle-class Singaporeans. Their appeal to upwardly mobile people from working and lower-middle-class backgrounds makes them a converging point for class-transcending individuals who have a strong sense of agency. Second, megachurches are shown to be more likely to combine spirituality with market logic, and their “seeker church” mentality slightly but significantly modifies their attitudes towards homosexuals. These attitudes enable them to better engage with the contemporary marketplace as well as to appeal to young economically mobile Singaporeans generally. Third, it is argued that as part of the broader international evangelical movements, Singapore megachurches have learned to minister to the needy and disadvantaged in ways that avoid conflict with the state. Their integration of trans- nationalizing networks and local indigenizing cells also enables them to combine global connectivity with local relevance amongst distinct groups of Singapore society.

               1. Singapore-Religion 2. Singapore-Christianity
    34.    Yip, Jeaney and Ainsworth, Susan
            “Do Business Till He Comes”: The Business of Housing God in Singapore Megachurches

            Pacific Affairs 88(2), June, 2015: 237-257

Religion and business are often seen as inhabiting separate social spheres, yet megachurches combine them in ways that reflect their context. Operating in a country that combines state control and growth-oriented economic pragmatism, New Creation and City Harvest churches in Singapore manage their church- building projects to fulfil both state regulatory and church organizational objectives. Each church in their own way uses the discourse and techniques of marketing managerialism to promote growth, including through significant building projects justified in terms of their religious mission. As a business discourse, marketing managerialism not only leaves its imprint on church language, but has oriented these churches towards self-perpetuating business practices which target some particular types of churchgoers whilst excluding others. We argue that they also illustrate a recursive relationship between religion and business in which each sphere of discourse legitimizes the other.

  1. Singapore-Religion and business

    35.    Lahiri, Simanti
            Choosing to Die: Suicide Bombing and Suicide Protest in South Asia

            Terrorism and Political Violence 27(2), April-June, 2015: 268-288

Scholars tend to attribute the use of suicide protest and suicide bombing to purely rational considerations. In contrast, I argue that conventional understandings of strategy are too narrow and must be expanded to include emotional motivations for political mobilization. “Complex” strategy directly engages both the calculative and emotive understandings of political action. I develop this theory through a comparison of suicide protests and suicide bombings in South Asia, focusing on the emotional content of this extreme tactic. Suicide protests illustrate the importance of pride, sympathy, fear, and shame in political mobilization. I explore the emotional character of suicide in protest through an investigation of two cases: the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka (LTTE) and the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) in India.

   1. South Asia-Terrorism 2. India-Suicide Bombing 3. India- Suicide attack 4. Sri Lanka-Suicide bombing

    36.    Linke, Andrew M, Schutte, Sebastian and Buhaug, Halvard
            Population Attitudes and the Spread of Political Violence in Sub-Saharan Africa

            International Studies Review 17(1), March, 2015: 26-45

One of the most powerful predictors of violent political conflict is proximate violence in space and time. This spatiotemporal pattern has been identified between countries as well as within them. What explains this clustering is less clear, and different studies point to different mechanisms. Focusing on sub-Saharan African states, we examine whether population attitudes may contribute to the spread of political violence at subnational scales. In a quasi-experimental research design—using georeferenced survey data of 18,508 respondents for 162 administrative units across 16 countries, paired with precisely georeferenced conflict event data—we find that popular acceptance of (the legitimacy of) the use of physical violence is positively associated with subsequent conflict
  events. Furthermore, the combined effect of nearby violence and approval of violence is stronger than either condition alone, implying a diffusion effect. While we find some evidence that conflict events affect later public opinion, our final models control for violence that occurred before the survey data were gathered. The fact that we include such violence in our analysis suggests that the reported results cannot be dismissed as merely reflecting a reverse causal relationship.

  1. Sub-Saharan Africa-Political violence
          -NUCLEAR ENERGY    

    37.    Su, Xiaochen et. at.
            The rationale for supporting nuclear power: analysis of Taiwanese public opinion survey

            International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 15(1), January, 2015: 147-176

The future of nuclear energy use has become increasingly contentious across the world. This is especially the case in Taiwan, which simultaneously suffers from the instabilities associated with fossil fuel imports and widespread public doubts about the government's ability to handle a Fukushima-scale disaster, while also being increasingly dependent on nuclear energy. This study employs the 2013 Taiwan Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) survey on the Lungmen Nuclear Power Plant to gauge public opinion on the nuclear issue. The results demonstrate that while the public tends to be pro-nuclear when they are informed about the financial consequences of abandoning nuclear power and reassured about safety concerns, opponents of nuclear power, though numerically fewer, tend to be more vocal. Further research is needed to determine the exact logic of the public's decision making, based on a more precise set of preconditions.

  1. Taiwan-Nuclear energy 2. Taiwan-Nuclear energy policy 3. Lungman Nuclear power plant
    38.    Magcamit, Michael I and Tan, Alexander C
            Crouching tiger, lurking dragon: understanding Taiwan's sovereignty and trade linkages in the twenty-first century

            International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 15(1), January, 2015: 81-112

This paper seeks to explore and explain the process through which Taiwan utilizes free trade – both at multilateral and bilateral levels – in enhancing its shrinking de facto sovereignty against the backdrop of ubiquitous ‘China factor’ in the twenty-first century. It argues that China's sinicization project creates a scenario wherein increasing cross-strait stability ironically leads to decreasing de facto sovereignty for Taiwan. Due to this existing cross-strait security dilemma, Taiwanese leaders are being forced to preserve the island's quasi-independent statehood due to fears of losing its remaining de facto autonomy over domestic and foreign affairs. In essence, Taiwan chooses to be de facto free by remaining de jure unfree. Taiwan's sovereign space, therefore, becomes a pivotal referent object of its national security policy and strategy. Balancing between the two paradoxical interests of enhancing sovereignty while maintaining the Chinese- dominated cross-strait status-quo underlines the relentless games, changes, and fears that Taiwan confronts today.

 1. Taiwan-Sovereignty 2. Taiwan-Bilateral trade-USA 3. Taiwan- Bilateral trade-China
    39.    Asal, Victor, Milward, H Brinton and Schoon, Eric W
            When Terrorists Go Bad: Analyzing Terrorist Organizations’ Involvement in Drug Smuggling

            International Studies Quarterly 59(1), March, 2015: 112-123

The intersection of terrorism and organized crime is a central global security concern. However, the conditions that contribute to this intersection or hinder its development are widely debated. Drawing on prominent cases of ideologically driven violent nonstate actors engaged in illicit economies, some scholars argue that this intersection is a logical evolution. Other scholars, focusing on the fact that relatively few groups engage in both organized crime and terrorism, argue that ideological differences hinder this intersection. We use data on 395 terrorist organizations to analyze how organizational and environmental factors affect the likelihood of terrorist involvement in illicit drug trafficking. Our analysis shows that the degree of connectivity within networks of terrorist groups is the most significant predictor of a group engaging in drug trafficking. Further, contrary to the theorized effects of ideology, an explicit religious ideology has no significant effect while an ethnopolitical ideology actually increases the likelihood of drug trafficking.

 1. Terrorism 2. Drug smuggling 3. Terrorist organization-Drug trade
    40.    DeVore, Marc R and Stähli, Armin B
            Explaining Hezbollah's Effectiveness: Internal and External Determinants of the Rise of Violent Non-State Actors

            Terrorism and Political Violence 27(2), April-June, 2015: 331-357

Few issues are more important to scholars of security studies than understanding the impact of state sponsorship on the capabilities of non-state armed actors. The subject of our study—Lebanon's Hezbollah—was selected based on its reputation amongst scholars and policymakers alike as an exceptionally capable organization. In our inquiry, we seek to answer the following questions about Hezbollah's rapid emergence during the 1980s as one of the world's premier armed non-state actors: (a) how did Iranian sponsorship contribute to Hezbollah's effectiveness?; and (b) to what extent did Hezbollah's success depend on characteristics endogenous to the organization itself? To preview our conclusions, state sponsorship can contribute markedly to non-state actors' capabilities by providing resources and sanctuary. However, the ultimate effectiveness of non-state armed groups depends heavily on such internal characteristics as their decision-making processes and members' backgrounds. Thus, while state support may be necessary for non-state actors to achieve their goals, it is insufficient as a guarantee of their effectiveness.

1. Terrorism 2. Lebanon-Hezbollah
    41.    Leese, Matthias and Koenigseder, Anja
            Humor at the Airport? Visualization, Exposure, and Laughter in the “War on Terror

            International Political Sociology 9(1), March, 2015: 37-52

With the emergence of aviation as a target for terrorism and serious crime in the 1970s, the affective dimension of airport security changed drastically and is now carefully engineered as a zone of earnest and solemn protocol. Against a backdrop of bombings and hijackings, airport security today enacts a “no bullshit” approach to the “war on terror.” Humor has essentially been banned from screening operations. From signs reading “No bomb jokes, please,” to drastic consequences in the case of non-compliance, security appears as something that is not to be fooled around with. Against this background, this paper builds on ethnographic fieldwork at Hamburg airport during the German trial run with body scanners in 2011. During the time of observation, we found a surprising amount of reciprocal laughter and joking. We argue that this can be conceptualized as an attempt to break open a space for laughter, momentarily abandoning protocol in order to deal with issues of visualization, exposure, and shame which arise from the new focus on the fleshly anatomical body.

 1. Terrorism 2. Germany-war on terror
    42.    Phillips, Brian J
            What Is a Terrorist Group? Conceptual Issues and Empirical Implications

            Terrorism and Political Violence 27(2), April-June, 2015: 225-242

Researchers increasingly conduct quantitative studies of terrorist groups, which is an important advance in the literature. However, there has been little discussion of what constitutes a “terrorist group,” regarding conceptualization or measurement. Many studies of terrorist groups do not define the term, and among those that do, definitions vary considerably. The lack of clarity leads to conceptual confusion as well as sample selection issues, which can affect inferences. To address these issues, this article offers an in-depth analysis of the term and its use. It explores definitions in the literature, and then discusses different samples used. Empirically, the article demonstrates how sample selection can affect variable values. It also shows that a non-representative sample, such as the U.S. Foreign Terrorist Organization list, can lead to inaccurate generalizations. Ultimately, I present a straightforward “inclusive” definition, and argue for its practicality. Other suggestions are made for a more effective and cohesive research program.

  1. Terrorism 2. Terrorist Group 3. USA-Foreign terrorist organization list
    43.    Tollefsen, Andreas Forø and Buhaug, Halvard
            Insurgency and Inaccessibility

            International Studies Review 17(1), March, 2015: 6-25

A widely held belief within policy and practice contends that rough terrain and other physical obstacles to power projection hinder public surveillance, lower counterinsurgency capability, and generally constitute an important facilitator of rebellion. Likewise, sociocultural exclusion and alienation from the core are widely assumed to increase latent conflict risk through their influence on identity formation and perception of collective grievances. However, there is no scientific consensus on the empirical strength or significance of such a relationship, and many quantitative studies fail to find a robust link between a country's geographical or ethno-demographic characteristics and its estimated conflict risk. This paper represents a first comprehensive evaluation of how physical and sociocultural inaccessibility relate to contemporary civil wars. Drawing on recent advances in geographic information systems and georeferenced indicators of terrain, settlement patterns, ethno-political status, and armed conflict, we put the purported causal relationship to empirical test. A statistical analysis of civil- conflict events across post-Cold War Africa gives considerable support to the proposed theoretical framework, revealing that the various dimensions of inaccessibility all exert significant and substantive effects on local conflict risk. We find weaker evidence for the notion of substitutability; the inaccessibility indicators largely retain their individual effects when included in the same regression model.

  1. Terrorism 2. Insurgency
    44.    Martiniello, Giuliano
            Food sovereignty as praxis: rethinking the food question in Uganda

            Third World Quarterly 36(3), 2015: 508-525

This article critically reflects upon conceptual and analytical questions that affect the practical implementation of food sovereignty in Uganda, a country often labelled as the potential breadbasket of Africa. It proposes to look at the integration of food and land-based social relations in the context of localised and historical–geographical specificities of livelihood practices among Acholi peasants in northern Uganda as a way to ground the concept. It argues that many of the organising principles at the core of the food sovereignty paradigm are inscribed in the socio-cultural and ecological practices of peasant populations in northern Uganda. Yet these practices are taking place in an increasingly adverse national and international environment, and under circumstances transmitted from the past, which enormously challenge their implementation and jeopardise the future of food security and sovereignty prospects for peasant agriculture.

 1. Uganda-Food sovereignty
    45.    Nguyen, Lien-Hang
            Revolutionary Circuits: Toward Internationalizing America in the World

            Diplomatic History 39(2), June, 2015: 411-422

In 1975, a small group of women artists based in Brooklyn founded the Madame Binh Graphics Collective. Its members were deeply involved in the Vietnam antiwar movement and were self-identified radicals who “absorbed images from revolutionary anti-colonial and socialist struggles.”1 As a result, this poster, printmaking, and street art collective collaborated on projects aimed to support national liberation struggles in the Third World and to combat racism at home in the United States. As the graphic arm of a small collective of white anti-imperialists known as the May 19th Communist organization whose members were also former Weather Underground, these artist dissidents closely followed the international revolutions that unfolded world-wide. They designed “material aid” for various campaigns including to free political prisoners of the Black Liberation movement in the United States and to support overseas struggles for groups oppressed by white settler communities such as in Zimbabwe, Nambia, South Africa, and Palestine.2 Their political activities, however, went far beyond producing art. In the early 1980s, all of the members of the Collective spent time at Rikers Island when their studio was raided after members of the Black Liberation Army and the May 19th Organization “appropriated” 1.5 million dollars from a Brinks Armored Truck, killing a guard and 2 policemen in the process.

  1. USA-Diplomacy-Third world 2. USA-Diplomacy-Vietnam
    46.    Brent, Zoe W, Schiavoni, Christina M and Alonso-Fradejas, Alberto
            Contextualising food sovereignty: the politics of convergence among movements in the USA

            Third World Quarterly 36(3), 2015: 618-635

As food sovereignty spreads to new realms that dramatically diverge from the agrarian context in which it was originally conceived, this raises new challenges, as well as opportunities, for already complex transnational agrarian movements. In the face of such challenges calls for convergence have increasingly been put forward as a strategy for building political power. Looking at the US case, we argue that historically rooted resistance efforts for agrarian justice, food justice and immigrant labour justice across the food system are not only drawing inspiration from food sovereignty, but helping to shape what food sovereignty means in the USA. By digging into the histories of these resistance efforts, we can better understand the divides that exist as well as the potential for and politics of convergence. The US case thus offers important insights, especially into the roles of race and immigration in the politics of convergence that might strengthen the global movement for food sovereignty as it expands to new contexts and seeks to engage with new constituencies.

  1. USA-food sovereignty 2. USA-Politics of convergence
    47.    Kiggins, Ryan David
            Open for Expansion: US Policy and the Purpose for the Internet in the Post–Cold War Era

            International Studies Perspectives 16(1), February, 2015: 86-105

US Internet governance policy, it has been argued, is a threat to the Internet. Calls persist for the development of a multilateral Internet governance organization where states, especially the United States, play a lessened Internet governance role. Yet, US policymakers continue to resist greater multilateralism in global Internet governance favoring instead multistakeholder governance. Why do US policymakers continue to resist greater multilateralism in global governance of the Internet? Employing the Open Door interpretation of US diplomatic history, I show that, in the post–Cold War

 era, US policymakers purposed the Internet as a platform for the expansion of American products and political ideals and view greater multilateralism in global Internet governance as a threat to this purpose for the Internet. US policymakers will continue to support the present multistakeholder Internet governance structure that reflects US Internet governance policy preferences. Efforts at greater multilateralism in global governance of the Internet will continue to encounter US resistance unless such efforts incorporate US Internet governance policy preferences.

  1. USA-Foreign policy 2. Global governance
    48.    McDonald, Darren J
            Blessed are the Policy Makers: Jimmy Carter’s Faith-Based Approach to the Arab–Israeli Conflict

            Diplomatic History 39(2), June, 2015: 452-476

President Jimmy Carter’s pursuit of a faith-based foreign policy caused his early frustrations with the Middle East peace process. He initially pursued a comprehensive, regional settlement. The administration worked toward reconvening a Geneva conference focused on ending the Arab–Israeli conflict. Carter was guided in these efforts by his religious beliefs, specifically his understanding of Christian social justice. As a result, Carter viewed the situation of the Palestinians as one of the most significant human rights challenges he faced in the region and began championing the cause of the people in the West Bank and Gaza as he attempted to secure them a place in Geneva. After the likelihood of a conference collapsed, Carter, in effect, began negotiating directly with the Israeli government on behalf of the Palestinians. Those efforts cost him much political support and caused the peace process to stagnate.

1. USA-Foreign Policy-Middle East 2. Arab-Israeli conflict 3. USA- Interests in Persian Gulf
    49.    Danforth, Nicholas
            Malleable Modernity: Rethinking the Role of Ideology in American Policy, Aid Programs, and Propaganda in Fifties’ Turkey

            Diplomatic History 39(2), June, 2015: 477-503

Using US policy toward Turkey in the 1950s as a case study, this article argues that any discussion of the role of modernization discourse in US policy-making must begin by recognizing its malleability. Modernization as an ideology could, in the agile minds of American diplomats, serve to articulate and justify diverse, even contradictory policies. In the Turkish case policymakers invoked modernization to support, and oppose, democracy and dictatorship alike. Malleability also enabled modernization to simultaneously serve as policy and propaganda: At the same time the US government implemented programs that sought to modernize Turkey's military, economy, and even its population, the US Information Service, with the active cooperation of the Turkish government, quite consciously crafted propaganda to advertise America's modernity in order to win support for the US-Turkish alliance.

 1. USA-Foreign policy-Turkey 2. USA-Public diplomacy-Turkey
    50.    Arthus, Wien Weibert
            The Challenge of Democratizing the Caribbean during the Cold War: Kennedy Facing the Duvalier Dilemma

            Diplomatic History 39(2), June, 2015: 504-531

This article examines the course of U.S.–Caribbean relations during the Kennedy years, considering Haiti as a case study. During the first year of Kennedy’s presidency, the U.S. policy toward Haiti was ambivalent. Duvalier’s regime displeased Kennedy since the beginning. Nevertheless, fear of Communism caused him to take a laissez-faire approach to the Haitian situation. The Haitian dictator was a Western ally in the Cold War, and U.S. intelligence believed that Castro or Haitian Communists could benefit from his removal. Starting in 1962, Kennedy did not hide his revulsion for the Haitian dictator. Cold War consideration, again, motivated his shift to an open and hostile position toward Duvalier. U.S. officials were afraid that Duvalier’s dictatorship would provoke a Communist revolution in Haiti. Factors that had been an asset to Duvalier led to his undoing. Kennedy, therefore, was resolute to bring a political change in Haiti and decided the best means would be Duvalier’s demise. However, U.S. limited economic sanction and incomplete military actions were insufficient to bend Duvalier. This study helps verify the reference of “the most dangerous area in the world” attributed to the Caribbean and Latin America during the Cold War era.

  1. USA-Foreign relations-Caribbean Countries 2. USA-Foreign relations-Haiti 3. Kennedy and Duvalier's pact 4. US-Bolivian relations
    51.    Zagoria, Donald S
            The Future of U.S.–Japan–China Relations

            American Foreign Policy Interests 37(1), January-February, 2015: 31-45

The NCAFP co-sponsored with the Tokyo Foundation a conference designed to explore ways of easing China–Japan and China–U.S. tensions, held in Tokyo in October 2014. The following collection of essays includes a conference summary as well as several essays based on conference presentations: four by Americans, one by a Japanese participant, and another by a Chinese participant.

 1. USA-Japan-China-Trilateral relations 2. Maritime security 3. USA- Foreign policy
    52.    McDevitt, Michael
            The South China Sea: Assessing U.S. Policy

            American Foreign Policy Interests 37(1), January-February, 2015: 23-30

This article proposes additional policy options that the United States might pursue in the South China Sea. It finds that current U.S. policy is sensible and comprehensive given interests that are involved, but as of this writing China has essentially ignored U.S. blandishments. It addresses what U.S. interests are involved, and it discusses China's “peacefully coercive” behavior. It will then provide a brief overview of the legal merits of the respective claims to the islands and features in the South China Sea. The legal overview is presented not to argue for a change to existing U.S. policy of not taking a position on sovereignty claims, but to provide policymakers with some understanding of the legal complexity of the claims issue. It concludes by recommending additional policy approaches aimed toward generating a more peaceful, stable, non-confrontational, law-abiding environment in the South China Sea.

 1. USA-Policy towards-South China Sea


Ainsworth, Susan34
Arthus, Wien Weibert50
Asal, Victor39
Bader, Julia10
Bezooijen, Bart Van4
Blumenau, Bernhard12
Brent, Zoe W46
Buhaug, Halvard43
Bush, Sarah Sunn24
Busse, Jan29
Charnysh, Volha15
Chong, Terence33
Curtis, Gerald L23
Danforth, Nicholas49
DeVore, Marc R40
Esberg, Jane9
Fauzi, Ahmad25
Godek, Wendy28
Gomez, Edmund Terence27
Hamid, Abdul25
Hunt, Robert27
Jamal, Amaney A24
Jones, Blake W19
Jungdahi, Adam M5
Kerssen, Tanya M7
Kfir, Isaac20
Kiggins, Ryan David47
Knight, W Andy8
Koddenbrock, Kai Jonas16
Koenigseder, Anja41
Kollars, Nina A21
Kornprobst, Markus13
Kramer, Eric-Hans4
Lahiri, Simanti35
Lanteigne, Marc31
Leese, Matthias41
Linke, Andrew M32,36
Lloyd, Paulette15
Macdonald, Julia M5
MacKay, Joseph17
Magcamit, Michael I38


Marcus, Raphael D22
Martiniello, Giuliano44
McCoy, John8
McDevitt, Michael52
McDonald, Darren J48
Milward, H Brinton39
Mohamad, Maznah26
Nguyen, Lien-Hang45
O'Loughlin, John32
Pallister-Wilkins, Polly11
Phillips, Brian J42
Pluchinsky, Dennis6
Qvortrup, Matt3
Raleigh, Clionadh2
Sangar, Eric1
Saravanamuttu, Johan26
Schiavoni, Christina M46
Schutte, Sebastian36
Snetkov, Aglaya31
Stojek, Szymon M14
Stähli, Armin B40
Su, Xiaochen37
Szekely, Ora30
Tan, Alexander C38
Tir, Jaroslav14
Tollefsen, Andreas Forø43
Wigen, Einar18
Wu, Chung-li37
Yip, Jeaney34
Zagoria, Donald S51



-Bundeswehr military approach1   
-Urban violence2
Arms control4-5
-Marxist terrorist groups6
-Food sovereignty   7
 -Autocratic states10
-Humanitarian politics11
-European Union13
-United Nations14
International relations   15-18   
-Religious conflicts-USA   19   
-Human insecurity   20
-Military adaptation21
-Defense forces22
-Defense cooperation-USA   23
-Anti-Americanism   24   
-Islam and business25
-Islamic banking and finance26
-Religious impact on Business27
-food sovereignty   28
-Hamas social service30
-Humanitarian intervention31
-Political violence32   
-Religion   33
-Religion and business34
South Asia 
-Saharan Africa-Political violence36
-Nuclear energy   37
-Food sovereignty   44   
-Diplomacy-Third world45
-food sovereignty46
-Foreign policy47   
-Foreign Policy-Middle East48
 -Foreign policy-Turkey49
-Foreign relations-Caribbean Countries50
-Japan-China-Trilateral relations   51
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