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Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin, January-February 2015

Ministry of External Affairs Library
Patiala House
New Delhi
Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
(January-February 2015)

AFGHANISTAN                                                
                                                                  
1 Griffin, Christopher                                       
         From Limited War to Limited Victory: Clausewitz and Allied Strategy in Afghanistan                           
         CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, 35(3), 2014: 446-467       
                                                                  
         The United States and its allies entered Afghanistan with nearly unlimited war aims, but with the intention of only using limited force. This strategic error undermined the intervention and made success difficult or impossible. Through an examination of Clausewitzian thought about popular war, limited war and the culminating point of victory, this article shows the enduring value of Clausewitzian concepts in contemporary conflicts against non-state actors. These concepts are tested in three cases  the involvement of the United States, the United Kingdom, and France in Afghanistan to examine the relationship between their war aims, resource commitments, and war outcome. Of the three, France deployed relatively the most forces to Afghanistan, but the allied engagement remained insufficient to overcome the insurgency. Lacking sufficient mass, the limited forces were insufficient to establish the strategic superiority necessary to achieve nearly unlimited goals. This was compounded by a failure to concentrate against the insurgents crossing the border from Pakistan. In the absence of a clear political determination to reconcile means and ends, the culminating point of victory passed in 2006. It is not the intention here to recommend that contemporary military deployments follow Clausewitzian ideas to the letter; that is not what Clausewitz intended. It is clear, however, that NATO allies in Afghanistan failed to be stronger than the enemy where it was necessary, even when the insurgent groups were diffuse and only loosely unified.                        

Afghanistan-War; Afghanistan-NATO Forces; Clausewitzian Theory.                                    
 Control No. : 42088                                      
       
AFRICA                                                     
                                                                  
2  Burbach, David T and Fettweis, Christopher J               
         The Coming Stability? : The Decline of Warfare in Africa and Implications for International Security              
         CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, 35(3), 2014: 421-445       
                                                                  
         Anarchy was coming to Africa, Robert Kaplan warned in 1994, and a surge in conflict initially seemed to confirm that prediction. With less fanfare, however, after the year 2000, conflict in Africa declined, probably to the lowest levels ever. Recent fighting in Libya, Mali, South Sudan and elsewhere has prompted a new wave of ‘Africa falling apart’ concerns. This article reviews the history and data of conflict in Africa, from pre-colonial times to the present. Historical comparison and quantitative analysis based on the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) and Major Episodes of Political Violence (MEPV) datasets on the 1961–2013 period show that Africa has experienced a remarkable decline in warfare, whether measured in number of conflicts or fatalities. Warfare is a relatively low risk to the lives of most Africans. The years 2010–2013 saw an increase of 35 per cent in African battle deaths over 2005–2010, but they still are 87 per cent lower than the 1990–1999 average. Changes in external support and intervention, and the spread of global norms regarding armed conflict, have been most decisive in reducing the levels of warfare in the continent. Consequently, there is no Africa exception to the systemic shift towards lower levels of armed conflict.
Africa-Armed Conflict; Uppsala Conflict Data Program; UCDP; Major Episodes of Political Violence; MEPV.        
Control No. : 42089                                      
                                                                  
ARMS CONTROL                                               
                                                                  
3  Mathur, Ritu                                               
         The West and the Rest: A Civilizational Mantra in Arms Control and Disarmament?                                 
         CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, 35(3), 2014: 332-355       
                                                                  
This article attempts to reflect on arms control and disarmament as a civilizational practice. The provocation for this undertaking can be traced back to the growing popularity of civilization discourses. The article highlights the paradoxical tension within these discourses with, on the one hand, their proclamations of inter-civilizational conflicts based on failure to regulate and prohibit the proliferation of weapons and, on the other hand, the teleological drive towards building a universal civilization of modernity. It critiques these discourses with the help of critical security studies and postcolonial insights into the problematique of civilization that seeks to universalize that which stabilizes and asserts the military superiority of the West while marginalizing the efforts of ‘the Rest’ demanding equality and justice in practices of arms control and disarmament. The article then uses representative historical narratives to demonstrate the historical continuity between practices of discrimination and exclusion that persist from the late 19th century to the present with regard to weapons regulation and prohibition. Contemporary efforts to acknowledge and addresses the entrenched biases in the practices of arms control and disarmament are discussed to explicate their possibilities and limitations. The purpose is to bring centre-stage the human suffering experienced by the West and the Rest in practices of arms control and disarmament. It is only by confronting the multitudinous affects through a post-civilization approach that the reiterated bravado of civilization can be questioned and an empathetic and sincere approach towards addressing the problem of weapons regulation and prohibition can be cultivated.
                                              
Arms Control; Disarmament; Civilization; Civilizational Conflicts.                                
Control No. : 42093                                      
                                                                  
CHINA                                                      
                                                                  
4   Buzan, Barry                                               
         The Logic and Contradictions of Peaceful Rise/Development as China’s Grand Strategy.             
         THE CHINESE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 7(4), 2014
         (Winter): 381-420                                        
                                                                  
         Despite the widespread view that China does not have a coherent grand strategy, it does not need to invent one. China has already articulated a grand strategy that is based on the home-grown idea of ‘peaceful rise/development’ (PRD). The key issue is whether the logic of this grand strategy, and the contradictions within it, are fully understood, and whether China has sufficient depth and coherence in its policy-making processes to implement such a strategy. Although there are elements of longer continuity in China’s strategic outlook, the transformation from Mao’s revolutionist strategy to Deng’s strategy of reform and opening up, involved a radical shift in China’s perception of itself, the world, and its place in the world. That shift provides a stable and coherent background against which to think about the ends and means of China’s grand strategy. The paper opens by looking at PRD’s status as a grand strategy. It then surveys the ends and the means of China’s foreign and security policy as they have evolved in practice and rhetoric. Finally, it assesses in depth China’s practice against three distinct strategic logics within PRD: cold, warm and hot peaceful rise. The conclusion is that China’s current practice points firmly towards cold peaceful rise, but that warm peaceful rise is perhaps still possible and offers many strategic advantages.
                                              
China-Foreign Policy; China-Security Policy; China-Growth and Development; China- Peaceful Rise/Development.
Control No. : 42094                                      
                                                                  
5  Kivimäki, Timo                                             
         Soft Power and Global Governance with Chinese Characteristics.                                         
         THE CHINESE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 7(4), 2014
         (Winter): 421-447                                        
                                                                  
        Recent Anglo-American scholarship suggests that China’s soft power strategy has failed the country. Chinese culture and values have not gained their expected appeal, and China has failed to create an alliance structure similar to that of the United States in support of its leadership. This article suggests a reinterpretation of the evidence by means of recontextualising the concepts of soft power and global governance in the context of China’s undertaking of a peaceful ascension. China’s approach to, and objectives in world affairs are different from those of the United States, and therefore China’s soft power strategy cannot be evaluated using an American yardstick. If analysed according to China’s specific objectives and the world in which China lives, one can see that China’s soft power serves the country relatively well.

China-Foreign Policy; China-Global Governance; China-Soft Power Strategy.                                     
Control No. : 42095                                      

6  Moore, Gregory J                                           
         The Difference a Day Makes: Understanding the End of the Sino-American Tacit Alliance.                         
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, 16(4), 2014(December): 540-574                                                  
                                                                  
         Late on June 3, 1989, and into the next day Chinese soldiers brought to an abrupt end the 7-week standoff between the Chinese state and students and citizens of Beijing. It has been common to see balance of power considerations as bringing China and the United States together in 1972 to balance against the Soviet Union, and it has been equally common to see the end of what Kissinger called the Sino-American “tacit alliance” (1972–1989) to be, naturally, the end of the Cold War and/or the breakup of the Soviet Union. Borrowing from Hopf's societal constructivism (2012) and Wendt's “cultures of anarchy” (1999) here applied at the second level of analysis, the following study concludes that June 4 was actually key to the end of the Sino-American “tacit alliance,” leading to a major shift in mutual perceptions, which caused a shift in the Sino-American dyadic culture, from that of trusted friends to that of distrusted adversaries for a season, effectively ending the “tacit alliance” between the US and China.

China-Foreign Policy-USA; China-Tacit alliance-USA; China-Dyadic Culture-USA.                                
Control No. : 42125                                      
                                                                 
7  Brodsgaard, Kjeld Erik and Grünberg, Nis                   
         Key Points of China’s Economic Programme after the Third Plenum of the CPC.                                       
         CHINA REPORT, 50(4), 2014 (November): 343-359             
                                                                  
        At the Third Plenum held in November 2013, the Communist Party of China (CPC) adopted a comprehensive reform programme containing no less than 300 reform proposals. It is potentially the most important reform document to have been passed by the CPC since the landmark Third Plenum in December 1978. Entitled ‘The Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Some Important Questions Concerning Comprehensively Deepening Reform’, the programme upgrades the role of the market in the general economic system from ‘basic’ to ‘decisive’. It also stipulates a number of reform measures within finance, banking, tax, real estate, hukou, urbanisation, government administration, family planning, etc., and establishes two new important leading bodies. One is The Central Leading Group on Comprehensively Deepening Reform and the other is the National Security Council. Xi Jinping is named chairman of both of these new powerful institutions. This indicates his increasingly dominant role in Chinese politics. The reform programme aims to create a more open and market-regulated Chinese economy by 2020, although without dismantling the guiding role of the state-owned economy. The article argues that implementation of the new ambitious goals will be met by resistance from entrenched vested interests. In the state-owned enterprise (SOE) sector powerful actors and interests will try to preserve the status quo. Some private investment will be allowed in publicly-owned entities in order to create enterprises characterised by mixed ownership. However, in key sectors of the economy SOEs will still enjoy a monopoly and will not be exposed to free market competition.
China-Government and Politics; China-Economy; China-Economic Development.                                    
Control No. : 42086                                      
                                                                  
COLOMBIA                                                   
                                                                  
8  Nussio, Enzo and Oppenheim, Ben                            
         Anti-Social Capital in Former Members of Non-State Armed Groups: A Case Study of Colombia                         
         STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM, 37(12), 2014: 999-1023  
                                                                  
        Illegal organizations, like mafia syndicates, gangs, and insurgencies, are often highly cohesive and hostile toward the outside world. Such groups cultivate a particular form of “anti-social” capital, which relies on ingroup bonding and limits outgroup bridging for the purpose of commissioning illicit acts. We argue that experiences within the group leave members with varying intensities of anti-social capital, and that higher intensities lead to significantly weaker relationships with political institutions and civil society, even many years after they exit the group. We test this theory using survey data from 1,485 former members of insurgent and paramilitary groups in Colombia, along with insights from 68 qualitative interviews. We find strong evidence that anti-social capital has individually varying and sticky effects on former members. These effects are pervasive and intense, and exhibit surprising and counterintuitive properties: former members of pro-state militia with higher levels of anti-social capital are systematically less likely to trust political institutions, while members of peasant-based insurgent groups with high levels of anti-social capital are less likely to participate in their communities.

Colombia-Terrorist Groups; Colombia-Terrorism; Colombia-Non-State Armed Groups.                         
Control No. : 42098                                      
                                                                  
GERMANY                                                    
                                                                  
9  Germann, Julian                                            
         German Grand Strategy and the Rise of Neoliberalism.   
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 706-716                                                  
                                                                  
         This article examines the central role of the West German state in the transition from the golden to the global age of capitalism in the crisis decade of the 1970s. I argue that in order to keep the world economy open for its exports and shore up its competitive position, German crisis managers pursued a grand economic strategy that sought to defeat the interventionist and expansionary responses of the European left and to commit the United States to monetary discipline. The success of this strategy had contradictory consequences: It stabilized the social consensus inside Germany but undermined it in states whose economies did not stand to benefit from austerity measures. Germany's particularistic way of coping with the crisis thus contributed decisively, though not deliberately, to the “disembedding” of the liberal international economic order. This argument challenges existing explanations of neoliberalism as an Anglo-American imposition on a passive Western Europe and Japan or as an ideological conversion of policymakers. I conclude with an alternative interpretation that highlights the interplay of divergent and opposing strategies of crisis management as the principal driver of social and world order change in the 1970s and potentially today.
                                    
Germany- Economic Policy; Germany-Economic Strategy.  
Control No. : 42116                                      
     
INDIA                                                      
                                                                  
10  Rana, Kishan S                                             
         Diplomacy Systems and Processes: Comparing India and China                                                    
         CHINA REPORT, 50(4), 2014 (November): 297-323             
                                                                  
        What are the key characteristics of the diplomacy of India and China? To what extent is diplomatic capacity an issue in the management of a country’s foreign policy? For example, the number of executive level officials in the diplomatic machinery of China and India (the foreign ministries, embassies, consulates and other subsidiary offices) varies greatly in size, composition and work methods. Compared to about 1200 diplomat-rank officials in India, China has over 6500 diplomats—not counting new recruits who serve as non-diplomatic staff for their first three years, before being promoted as ‘attachés’ under their ‘3-3-4’ system. This and several other elements (structure, competence and capability) constitute a country’s ‘diplomatic capacity’; this concept has drawn new attention in the past five years. Another example is that both are large countries with a number of provinces;1 the methods used to bring them into the external policy process offers rich material for comparison, with some clear learning. China’s larger diplomatic machine does not always translate into greater effectiveness. Some Indian methods are unique and score over China’s. This essay draws on research since 1999, comparing foreign ministries (one outcome of which was Asian Diplomacy, Rana 2007).                            
         
India-Diplomacy-China; India-Diplomatic Capacity; China-Diplomatic Capacity; India-Diplomatic Staff; China-Diplomatic Staff.                                        
Control No. : 42084                                      
                                                                  
11 Sinha,Uttam Kumar and Gupta, Arvind                         
         The Arctic and India: Strategic Awareness and Scientific Engagement.                                              
         STRATEGIC ANALYSIS, 38(6), 2014: 872-885                 
                                                                  
         A global temperature rise is being experienced earliest and most intensely in the Arctic region. The changes are worrying but the commercial interests are equally enticing. The Arctic is witnessing the convergence of the geophysical, the geo-economic and the geostrategic in strange and dramatic ways, making it a paradox and an antithesis. For India, the Arctic is distant when it comes to economic interests and near when it comes to climate change. As India today reassesses and rethinks its role in the new global geopolitical space, the Arctic becomes an important part of that reorientation and a movement towards a ‘global knowledge commons’. The Arctic is now an important geographical categorisation in India’s global policies. It must also be stressed that recent Arctic ascendancy in the policy domain stems directly from the strengthening of India’s climate change-linked economic and scientific positions in global world affairs.
                                                 
India-Strategic Development-Arctic Region; India-Scientific Engagement-Arctic Region.                     
Control No. : 42083                                      
                                                                  
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION                                 
                                                                  
12  Nicolaidis, Kalypso and Youngs, Richard                    
         Europe's democracy trilemma.                             
         INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (UK), 90(6), 2014 (November): 1403-1419                                                
                                                                  
         A truly democratic European Union seems to have become the graal of European politics, the project's redemptive promise and unreachable horizon. Much has been written about the gap between promise and performance and about the obstacles to EU democratization. Here, we suggest that one way to apprehend the ‘democratic deficit’ debate as it has evolved in the wake of the euro crisis is to think of it as a ‘democratic trilemma’. We argue that European legitimacy requires responses in different realms: first, an acknowledgement of Europe's ‘transnational democratic interdependence’; second, an anchoring of the functionalist European superstructure in ‘national democratic legitimacy’; and third, a grounding of both European and national power in ‘local democratic legitimacy’. While the very notion of trilemma points to the tensions that arise in trying to satisfy these requisites simultaneously, we nevertheless need to look for ways of alleviating the trilemma rather than coming up with democratic magic bullets in a single one of these realms. While our main goal is to reframe and open up the debate around the key concepts of empowerment, mutual recognition and flexibility, we also provide examples of what this may mean.
International Organization-European Union; European Union-Democratization; European politics.                
Control No. : 42079                                      
                                                                  
13  Sliwinski, Krzysztof Feliks                                
         Moving beyond the European Union's Weakness as a Cyber-Security Agent.                                          
         CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, 35(3), 2014: 468-486       
                                                                  
         Policy and research on European cyber-security remains formative compared to leaders in the field like China and the United States. This article evaluates the European Union (EU) as a cyber-security actor, asking fundamental questions concerning the EU's combination of prominence and obscurity, especially its limitations and prospects. Who and what is going to dominate the European response to cyber-security in the future? These questions are examined within the larger framework of liberal intergovernmentalism. The EU also is compared to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), a point of reference to further understand the limitations and challenges ahead for the EU. Two major factors limit the EU as a cyber-security actor: its intergovernmental character, and the lack of collective vision on cyber-security with the EU and between member states. To play an important role in shaping cyberspace and cyber-security, the EU cannot treat the internet as simply a communication tool or trading platform. Cooperation and capacity-building measures are needed to allow EU member states to surpass mere coordination of their respective national cyber-security strategies. To succeed as a cyber-power, the EU should adapt new and different forms of cyber-power, from the compulsory through the institutional, to the structural and productive. Otherwise, coordination of national strategies for cyber-security of EU member states is the most the EU as an actor can aim for.

International Organization-European Union; NATO; European Union-Cyber Security.                           
Control No. : 42087                                      
                                                                  
INTERNATIONAL POLITICS                                     
                                                                  
14  Akaev, Askar and Pantin, Vladimir                          
         Technological Innovations and Future Shifts in International Politics.                                  
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 867-872                                                  
                                                                  
        How are large technological changes and important shifts in international politics interconnected? It is shown in the article that primary technological innovations, which take place in each Kondratieff cycle, change the balance of power between the leading states and cause shifts in international politics. In the beginning of the twenty-first century, the genesis and initial development of the cluster of new technologies takes place in periods of crisis and depression. Therefore, the authors forecast that the period 2013–2020 will be marked by the advancement of important technological innovations and massive geopolitical shifts in many regions of the world.

International Politics.                               
Control No. : 42122                                      
                                                                  
15  Beasley, Ryan K and Kaarbo, Juliet                         
         Explaining Extremity in the Foreign Policies of Parliamentary Democracies.                               
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 729-740                                                  
                                                                  
         Why do multiparty cabinets in parliamentary democracies produce more extreme foreign policies than single-party cabinets? Our paper argues that particular institutional and psychological dynamics explain this difference. We test this argument using a global events data set incorporating foreign policy behaviors of numerous multiparty and single-party governments. We find that more parties and weak parliaments promote extremity in coalitions, but parliamentary strength has the opposite effect for single-party governments. This study challenges existing expectations about the impact of democratic institutions on foreign policy.
International Politics; Foreign Policy; Coalition Governments; Single-Party Governments.                   
Control No. : 42118                                      
                                                                  
16  Shea, Patrick and Teo, Terence K                           
         Opposition Politics and International Crises: A Formal Model.                                                   
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 741-751                                                  
                                                                 
         Democratic foreign policy choices are a function of expected international outcomes and the preferences, power, and information of domestic actors. Studies of domestic political competition and international crisis bargaining have argued that an opposition's policy positions send credible signals of the government's intentions to adversarial target states. This paper contends that while opposition behavior may send informative signals, it can also directly constrain the policy options of the government. We relax previous assumptions that the opposition cannot directly prevent war or influence the outcomes of war (Schultz 2001). Instead, we assume that the opposition controls some political resources and attempts to influence the government's policy decisions in a way that advances its own partisan interests. To empirically demonstrate the theoretical differences in our model in comparison with previous domestic opposition models, we examine the case of the Quasi-War of 1798 between the United States and France.

International Politics; Foreign Policy.               
Control No. : 42119                                      
                                                                  
17  Solomon, Ty                                                
         Time and Subjectivity in World Politics.                 
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 671-681                                                  
                                                                  
         Critically inclined International Relations (IR) scholars have recently turned to examining the issue of time and its implications for world politics. However, there has yet to be a thorough account of how a focus on temporality deepens our understanding of one of the field's core concepts: subjectivity. Drawing upon insights from psychoanalytic theory, this paper argues that the discursive decentering of subjectivity (long a focus in poststructuralist IR) is bound to the subject's temporal decentering. Moreover, conceptualizing these together helps to account for the underexplored role of desire in subject formation. The paper thus draws together insights regarding discourse, desire, and identity to offer a more comprehensive theory of the subject in IR and a richer account of the social construction process in general. The empirical import of these ideas is illustrated with regard to the function of temporality and desire in the politics of the US-led war on terror.

International Politics; International Relations; USA-War Against Terrorism.                                   
Control No. : 42114       

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS                                    
                                                                  
18  Graham, Sarah Ellen                                        
         Emotion and Public Diplomacy: Dispositions in International Communications, Dialogue, and Persuasion.  
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, 16(4), 2014(December): 522-539                                                  
                                                                  
         States use public diplomacy (PD) to transmit information, ideas, and values that support their interests. Despite the centrality of emotion to early academic accounts of propaganda, emotion has not yet been addressed in contemporary PD studies, even in the context of the field's recent engagement with relational communication models. This oversight leaves the current scholarship on PD with an underspecified account of what PD actually does when it works when it influences and persuades because emotion is involved in these functions. At the same time, investigating these questions shows that PD practices deserve greater attention in debates within International Relations (IR) about language, power, and persuasion. Drawing on theories of emotion within constructivist IR and political theory, this article reviews two key functions of PD and asks how they engage public emotions. I show that emotions are present in argument, reasoning, and persuasion particularly in the context of discourse about values. I then show how emotional expression reflects cultural difference, thereby influencing cross-cultural dialogue, and how emotion constitutes collective identities.

International Relations; Foreign Policy; Public Diplomacy.                                               
Control No. : 42124                                      
                                                                  
19  Jones, Calvert W                                           
         Exploring the Microfoundations of International Community: Toward a Theory of Enlightened Nationalism.   
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 682-705                                                  
                                                                  
         This paper challenges conventional wisdom about the drivers of international community at the individual level. Presenting new data and a novel natural experiment approach to the study of cross-border contact and international community, it tests some of the key microfoundations of international relations theory about how a sense of shared international community may arise and evolve among individuals. The hypotheses are tested using survey data from a large sample (n = 571) of American study abroad students in a range of universities across a treatment and a control group. Surprisingly, findings do not support the main hypothesis that cross-border contact fosters a sense of shared international community. However, the second hypothesis drawn from the liberal paradigm, suggesting that cross-border contact lowers threat perceptions, is strongly supported. The “Huntingtonian” hypothesis that cross-border contact heightens nationalism also garners wide support. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for theory and future research, especially the potential of rethinking the drivers of international community at the individual level to rely less on a sense of shared identity and essential sameness, and more on a feeling of “enlightened nationalism” and appreciation for difference.
International Relations; International Relations Theory; Cross-Border Relations.                          
 Control No. : 42115                                      
                                                                  
20  Shiping, Tang                                              
         International System, not International Structure: Against the Agent Structure Problématique in IR.         
         THE CHINESE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 7(4), 2014
         (Winter)                                                 
                                                                  
         Since the very beginning of social sciences, the relationship between agents and the social system has been a central problématique. Unfortunately, the agentstructure problem, which is a much narrower version of the agentsystem problem, has mostly replaced the latter in social sciences, including international relations (IRs). This article argues that our long-standing affair with the agentstructure problématique has been disastrous for IR and the broader social sciences, and that it is time to end it. Our obsession with structure or the agentstructure problématique has blinded us to the simple reality that system encompasses much more than agent-and-structure and as such, that focusing on structure alone cannot possibly lead us to an adequate understanding of the dynamics of any social system. Social scientists should embrace a genuinely systemic approach if they desire to understand adequately the dynamics within a system. A refocussing on system rather than on structure not only clarifies some of the key debates in IR theory but also points to important new directions for further research. The discussion here contributes to the recent resurging interest in the systemic approach within the broader social sciences, and IR in particular.                                        

International Relations; Broader Social Sciences.     
Control No. : 42097                                      
                                                                  
IRAQ                                                       
                                                                  
21  Seifert, Katherine R and McCauley, Clark                   
         Suicide Bombers in Iraq, 20032010: Disaggregating Targets Can Reveal Insurgent Motives and Priorities.     
         TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, 26(5), 2014(November- December): 803-820                                       
                                                                  
         Extending data reported by Mohammed Hafez in 2007, we compiled a database of 1,779 suicide bombers who attempted or completed attacks in Iraq from 2003 through 2010. From 2003 through 2006, monthly totals of suicide bombers show a pattern different from the pattern of non-suicide insurgent attacks, but from 2007 through 2010 the two patterns were similar. This biphasic pattern indicates that suicide attacks sometimes warrant separate analysis but sometimes are just one tactic in a larger envelope of insurgent violence. We also show that only 13 percent of suicide bombers targeted coalition forces and international civilians, primarily during the early years of the conflict, whereas 83 percent of suicide bombers targeted Iraqis (civilians, members of the Anbar Awakening Movement, Iraqi security forces, and government entities) in attacks that extended throughout the duration of the insurgency. These results challenge the idea that suicide attacks are primarily a nationalist response to foreign occupation, and caution that “smart bombs” may be more often sent against soft targets than hard targets. More generally, our results indicate that suicide attacks must be disaggregated by target in order to understand these attacks as the expression of different insurgent priorities at different times.

Iraq-Terrorism; Iraq- Suicide Attacks.                
Control No. : 42113                                      
                                                                  
ISRAEL                                                     
                                                                  
22  Mendelsohn, Barak                                          
         State Authority in the Balance: The Israeli State and the Messianic Settler Movement.                              
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES REVIEW, 16(4), 2014(December): 499-521                                                  
                                                                  
         Why do states allow and even encourage extremist non-state actors to intervene in an international conflict in violation of domestic and international law, as well as state interests? Why do states fail subsequently to rein in these actors as the counterproductive consequences of their actions become apparent? This article explores one case of such puzzling state behavior, Israel's relationship with the messianic settler movement. The movement is challenging the state, and its actions regarding the territories Israel captured in 1967 have complicated efforts to resolve the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Yet, not only have successive Israeli governments declined to enforce the authority of the state, they have pandered to the extremists. Supporting the messianic right has not offered Israel significant strategic benefits. In fact, it has backfired by intensifying the conflict with the Palestinians, weakening Israel's international standing, and undercutting state authority domestically. The article calls for supplementing a rationalist perspective that focuses on states' cost-benefit calculation with ideational factors. It proposes that the manipulation of symbols by the messianic right strengthened an ongoing process of state penetration, undermining the state's ability to utilize its power to its full extent, while increasing the messianics' influence far beyond the movement's material capabilities.
Israel-Palestine Conflicts; Messianic Settler Movement
Control No. : 42123                                    
                                                                  
23  Arian, Ofer                                                
         What do facts have to do with the summer 2011 protests? Structuring reality.                                     
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 613-631                     
                                                                  
         The attempt to present the 2011 social protests as a demand for improving the standard of living is nothing but cheap demagoguery that reveals the political leadership's detachment more than anything else. This article argues that these protests are a sign of the maturity of Israeli society and a historic event. They demonstrate mature insight on the part of an educated Israeli public that sees itself as part of the developed Western world. For the first time in a generation, the Israeli public is complaining about the absence of a guiding ideological foundation for the general social choices being made in their name by their elected representatives. Post-2011 Israel is a country where the public is forcing its elected officials to engage in a debate about the ideas of neo-liberalism and demanding that they take a clear stand about available ideological options and act accordingly.

Israel-Political Economy; Israel-Politics and Government; Israel-Neo-liberalism.                       
Control No. : 42109                                      
                                                                  
24  Doron, Gideon and Yuval, Fany                              
         Between the quality of the environment and the quality of the performances in Israeli local government.            
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 470-483                     
                                                                  
         According to the current Local Authorities Act in Israel 2000, once the municipal government fails to function financially, the Ministry of the Interior should intervene to appoint a professional team to help the municipality recover from its crisis. This law contains no wording ordering the local authorities to provide any local services. In the absence of a clear demand from the central government to provide certain public goods at the local level, what motivates the heads of local authorities to provide such goods? Given that local environmental issues are mostly identified as local services, and that people's satisfaction with the quality of the local environmental services is an effective predictor for the re-election of an incumbent head in almost all Israeli municipalities, the way local authorities deal with these services constitutes a case study with which to examine their incentive for providing local services. This study seeks to explain the empirical nature of the major political motivations of the heads of local authorities for providing environmental services. The environmental and sustainability literature offers economic and civic motivations as an answer to this question. In contrast, this article suggests public choice theory as an alternative answer to this question.
Israel-Political Economy; Israel-Politics and Government; Israel-Municipal Government.                 
Control No. : 42103                                      
                                                                  
25  Doron, Gideon and Arian, Ofer                              
         Introduction: the many faces of Israel's political economy.                                                 
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 445-451                     
                                                                  
         This volume presents a multifaceted, multidisciplinary exploration of Israel, using a theory-guided analytical narrative and offering a broad overview that addresses the various aspects of Israeli society as well as issues that were of major public importance during the six-and-half decades of the state's existence, many of which have never been studied before from the perspectives presented here.        

Israel-Political Economy.                             
Control No. : 42101                                      
                                                                  
26  Gal, John and Holler, Roni                                 
         The development of social policy research in Israel.     
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 452-469                     
                                                                  
         The study of social policy in Israel has undergone major changes both since its initial steps during the 1950s and since the early 1970s, a period in which the first significant efforts to institutionalize it as an academic field took place. Based on a theoretical perspective that regards the scientific system as a social arena, this article seeks to identify the trends that have characterized this development as reflected in journal publications, both Israeli and international, over the past four decades. The findings indicate that social policy research has become a vibrant field of academic research over this period and that a number of key trends related to both the intra-institutional aspects and the intra- scientific aspects of this development, can be identified.
Israel-Political Economy; Israel-Social Policy.       
Control No. : 42102                                      
                                                                  
27  Gal-Ezer, Miri                                             
         The Visible Hand: economic censorship in Israeli media.  
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 577-612                     
                                                                  
        This article proposes, as test cases, three TV documentaries that underwent economic censorship in Israeli media in 2001–2014. Economic censorship, very rarely exposed, is a relatively new concept, and is as yet uncommon in media research, although it has been flourishing throughout the neoliberal global media economy over the past three decades. Since the 1980s, Israel's successive military conflicts have been intertwined in a neoliberal hegemony, whereas from the 2000s, neoliberalism was transformed into an extreme version, destroying the former Israeli welfare state, its social order and ideology. The analysis reveals the prominent function of commercial and public TV Channels in the implementation and amplification of neoliberalism proper, neoliberal doctrine, and a culture of neoliberalism to or for Israeli audiences, while ‘Acts of Resistance’, drawn from a relatively autonomous field of production – the TV documentary–challenge neoliberal hegemony, also by continuing to stir activists' consciences before and throughout the social protests in 2011 and their aftermath.
Israel-Political Economy; Israel-Mass Media; Israel-Economic Censorship.                                     
Control No. : 42108                                      
                                                                  
28  Hashimshony-Yaffe, Nurit and Meydani, Assaf                
         The political economy of human rights: the struggle over the establishment of a human rights commission in Israel.
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 484-502                     
                                                                  
         This article analyses the attempts to establish a human rights commission in Israel by using public choice theory and socio-cultural variables as explanations. It develops a theoretical framework that views the decision-making process (1999–2004) as dictated by several conditions: non-governability, the judicialization of politics and the special characteristics of civil society in Israel. It emphasizes the existence of an outcome-directed, participative political culture with alternative (instrumental) characteristics. Thus, the call for social change is characterized by protest and challenges to the authorities. These considerations have received less emphasis in the human rights literature.
Israel-Political Economy; Israel-Politics and Government; Israel-Human Rights Commission                                       
Control No. : 42104                                      
                                                                  
29  Sadeh, Tal                                                 
         Is an economic peace possible? Israel and globalization since the 1970s.                                         
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 530-565                     
                                                                  
         This article argues that the tenure of left-wing governments in Israel in the past 40 years has been associated with faster socio-political globalization, while the tenure of right-wing ones has been associated with slower socio-political globalization. In contrast, the pace of Israel's economic globalization and the rise in its average income are found to have been unrelated to the government's political bias. Interestingly, income inequality is found to be unrelated to changes in average income or to government bias with regard to globalization. However, income inequality is found to have risen under governments with a hawkish military bias.
         
Israel-Political Economy; Israel-Economic Development.
Control No. : 42107                                      
                                                                  
30  Sharabi, Moshe                                             
         Political economy and work values: the case of Jews and Arabs in Israel.                                         
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 503-516                     
                                                                  
         Work values among Jews in Israel have been studied for several decades, while there has been no attempt to study work values among Arabs. This article examines and compares the centrality of work and the preferred work goals among Israeli Jews and Arabs and the effect of demographic factors on work values. In 2006 the Meaning-of-Working (MOW) questionnaire was conducted on a representative sample of the Israeli labour force that included Jews and Arabs. The findings reveal significant differences regarding the importance of work and most of the preferred work goals among Jews and Arabs. Overall, the demographic variables hardly explain the value differences among members of the two ethnic groups. The findings can be explained by cultural, social and economic factors and primarily by the Israeli–Arab/Palestinian conflict.
Israel-Political Economy.                             
Control No. : 42105                                      
                                                                  
31  Zubida, Hani and Nachmias, David                           
         The impact of electoral reforms on voting preferences: the Israeli 1996 and 1999 cases.                         
         ISRAEL AFFAIRS, 20(4), 2014: 517-529                     
                                                                  
         Electoral institutions and salient ‘issues’ bear significant effects on voting behaviour. One of the most intriguing voting patterns, split voting, is a combination of the two. This article examines the impact of changes in electoral institutions on voting behaviour. Employing the well-known ‘balancing model’ it analyses the impact of multi-issue political context on the generalizability of the model. Israel presents a unique case in which a change in the electoral institution was implemented fully only twice before returning to the old system. The article uses individual-level data collected prior to the two electoral campaigns to analyse the ability of the balancing model to account for the multi-faceted, multi-identity scheme. The findings show that for the most salient issue the model holds; however, when looking at secondary issues and self-identifications of voters the model fails to predict split voting. Finally, the effects of the institutional change on voting patterns are analysed.
Israel-Political Economy; Israel-Politics and Government; Israel-Election; Israel-Electoral Institutions.                                            
Control No. : 42106                                      
                                                                  
NORWAY                                                     
                                                                  
32  Bekkevold, Jo Inge and Offerdal, Kristine                  
         Norway’s High North Policy and New Asian Stakeholders.   
         STRATEGIC ANALYSIS, 38(6), 2014: 825-840                 
                                                                  
         This article examines the main drivers of Norway’s High North policy towards the new Asian stakeholders. The High North became a foreign policy priority for Norway in 2005, and Norway is building on the foundations of this policy by engaging new Asian stakeholders in Arctic affairs. An aspiration to impact Asian states’ views on Arctic developments early in their policy-making processes, including on the legal and institutional framework for the Arctic through diplomatic dialogue, is one factor explaining Norway’s engagement policy. Another important factor is shared interests in economic cooperation and research. Engaging Asia in Arctic affairs gives Norway an additional platform in its dialogue with Asian countries.
                                         
Norway-High North Policy; Norway-Engagement Policy; Asian Stakeholders.                                      
Control No. : 42080                                      
                                                                  
RUSSIA                                                     
                                                                  
33  Engstrom, Maria                                            
         Contemporary Russian Messianism and New Russian Foreign Policy.                                                  
         CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, 35(4), 2014: 356-379       
                                                                  
         This article aims to explore the connection between the new 2013 Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation and Christian messianism in contemporary Russian intellectual thought. The ‘conservative turn’ in Russian politics is associated with the return to the cultural and political ideologeme of Katechon, which is proposed by several right-wing intellectuals as the basis for the Russia's new state ideology and foreign and security policy. The theological concept of Katechon (from the Greek ό Κατέχων, ‘the withholding’) that protects the world from the advent of the Antichrist originates in the Byzantine Empire. In Russian tradition, this concept is presented in the well-known doctrine of Moscow as the Third Rome, dating back to the 16th century. The term ‘Katechon’ in contemporary Russian political discourse is relatively new and can be traced to the post-Soviet reception of Carl Schmitt's political theology. The concept of Russia as Katechon is directly connected to the national security and defence policy, because it is used as the ideological ground for the new wave of militarization and anti-Western sentiment, as well as for Russia's actions during the Ukrainian crisis. This analysis puts the internal political and cultural debate on Russia's role in international affairs and its relations with the West into historical perspective and demonstrates the right-wing intellectual circles’ influence on the Kremlin's new domestic and foreign policy.
         
Russia-Foreign Policy-Former Soviet Republics; Russia-Defence Policy; Ukrainian Crisis.                        
Control No. : 42092                                      
                                                                  
34  Karagiannis, Emmanuel                                      
         The Russian Interventions in South Ossetia and Crimea Compared: Military Performance, Legitimacy and Goals     
         CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, 35(3), 2014: 400-420       
                                                                  
         Russian interventions in South Ossetia and Crimea indicate a major shift in Moscow's policy towards the former Soviet republics. This article compares the two interventions in terms of military performance, basis of legitimacy, and motivational goals. This confirms the formation of a new and more assertive Russian policy in the region. Although there were significant differences between the two interventions, improved Russian military capabilities reveal the Kremlin's plans to project power in the near abroad. The Russian leadership usedsimilar legal justifications for the two interventions, based on the Kosovo precedent, opening the possibility of further military action in the former Soviet space. Notwithstanding the legal excuse, Moscow mainly intervened in Georgia and Ukraine to prevent further NATO enlargement eastwards, regain geopolitical influence regionally, and respond to perceptions of insecurity and a sense of humiliation. With the possible exception of the Baltic States, the rest of the former Soviet republics could, sooner or later, fall under Russia's sway. It is a challenge that the West can choose to confront either with tougher sanctions and more involvement in the region, or by initiating a new process of socializing Russia into the international community, with security assurances and economic incentives in return for acknowledgement of Russia's role as a great power.
Russia-Foreign Policy-Former Soviet republics; Russia-Interventions in South Ossetia; Russia-Interventions in South Crimea.                                            
Control No. : 42090                                      
                                                                  
35  Shlapentokh, Dmitry V                                      
         Implementation of an Ideological Paradigm: Early Duginian Eurasianism and Russia's Post-Crimean Discourse          
         CONTEMPORARY SECURITY POLICY, 35(3), 2014: 380-399       
                                                                  
         Alexander Dugin, the well-known public philosopher, entered Russia's intellectual and political life in the 1990s, with strongly anti-American and often anti-Western statements. Dugin's philosophy, especially in its early version, was of great use for foreign analysts with its emphasis on the irreconcilable conflict between the Eurasian civilization – with Russia in its centre – and the Atlanticist civilization led by the United States. While the image of Atlanticism and Americanism as despiritualizing forces ready for global predominance emerged in Dugin's work early on, it was later supplemented by another image, stressing Atlanticism as a desire to play God, to change the nature and the man himself. Consequently, Atlanticism and Americanism cannot live in peace until the Eurasian civilization is destroyed completely. While geopolitical Duginism of the 1990s had few direct translations into actual Russian foreign policy, it had an indirect relationship to Putin's posture in Crimea and Ukraine, and on the economically centred Eurasian Union. The importance of Duginism in the minds of segments of the American and British leadership is due, rather, not so much to the danger of an aggressive Russia, but to the waning of Washington's influence in Europe. Duginism is less a manifestation of Kremlin policy, than an ideological construction mostly belonging in the past. Instead, pragmatic nationalists are the most influential people in the present-day Russian elite.

Russia-Foreign Policy-Former Soviet Republics; Russia-Interventions in South Ossetia; Russia-Interventions in South Crimea.                                            
Control No. : 42091                                      
                                                                 
36  Hyodo,Shinji                                               
         Russia’s Strategic Concerns in the Arctic and Its Impact on JapanRussia Relations.                               
         STRATEGIC ANALYSIS, 38(6), 2014: 860-871                 
                                                                  
        Russia places a high strategic priority on the Arctic from a security perspective, in view of the need to secure the Northern Sea Route as well as develop natural resources in the region. While large-scale snap military inspections were taking place in Russia’s Far East in July 2013, five Chinese navy vessels passed into the Sea of Okhotsk—the first such instance in history. As a result of this timing, some observers speculated that the snap inspections were aimed at preparing the Russian Pacific Fleet to discourage future incursions by the Chinese navy into the Arctic Ocean and the surrounding northern seas. Russia has been placing greater importance on cooperation with Japan in the security field as a means of maintaining a balance in its diplomatic relationship with China, leading to the ‘two-plus-two’ meeting of the foreign and defence ministers of both countries (dubbed the ‘Japan–Russia 2+2’), at which progress was achieved in expanding cooperation in the security sphere.
Russia-Foreign Relations-Japan; Russia-Defence Relations-Japan; Russia-Maritime Security.               
Control No. : 42082                                      
                                                            
37  Allison, Roy                                               
         Russian deniable intervention in Ukraine: how and why Russia broke the rules.                                  
         INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (UK), 90(6), 2014(November): 1255-1297                                                
                                                                  
         The Russian military interventions in Ukraine, which have led to the annexation of the Crimean peninsula and to the entrenchment of separatist enclaves in Donetsk and Luhansk provinces, directly challenge the post-Cold War European state system. Russia has consistently denied any wrongdoing or illegal military involvement and has presented its policies as a reaction to the repression of ethnic Russians and Russian speakers. This article argues that it is important to examine and contest unfounded Russian legal and political claims used by Moscow to justify its interventions. The article proceeds to assess in detail three different explanations of the Russian operations in Ukraine: geopolitical competition and structural power (including the strategic benefits of seizing Crimea); identity and ideational factors; and the search for domestic political consolidation in Russia. These have all played a role, although the role of identity appears the least convincing in explaining the timing and scope of Russian encroachments on Ukrainian territorial integrity and the disruption of Ukrainian statehood.
        
Russia-Military Interventions in Ukraine; Russia-Military Operations in Ukraine.                          
Control No. : 42076                                      
                                                                  
38  Roseth,Tom                                                 
         Russia’s China Policy in the Arctic.                     
         STRATEGIC ANALYSIS, 38(6), 2014: 841-859                 
                                                                  
         This article discusses the type of partnership Russia pursues towards China in the Arctic. Through evidence, the author finds that while Russia may be aiming for an overall strategic partnership, Arctic developments on the whole conclude on a pragmatic approach. Russia needs assistance to develop the Arctic and an eastward diversification is opportune. Russia’s energy development in the Arctic indicates an emerging strategic co-operation with China, but policies towards Beijing concerning the Arctic Council and the Northern Sea Route prove to be more pragmatic. The general bilateral relationship gives incentives for expanding co-operation to the Arctic, but Russia’s sovereignty and security concerns limit the opportune.
Russia-Strategic Partnership-China; Russia-Bilateral Relations-China; Russia-Energy Development.              
Control No. : 42081                                      
                                                                  
SOUTH AFRICA                                               
                                                                  
39  Larsdotter, Kersti                                         
         Fighting Transnational Insurgents: The South African Defence Force in Namibia, 1966-1989                      
         STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM, 37(12), 2014: 1024-1038
                                                                  
         Transnational insurgents are a common feature of contemporary wars, but research on how to address this problem is still scarce. This article examines the South African Defence Force's (SADF) counterinsurgency against Namibian transnational insurgents. It concludes that the South African forces focused a large amount of their efforts outside the borders of Namibia. Highly coercive operations in Angola and Zambia created the space for hearts and minds activities in Namibia, as well as forcing neighboring states to end their support for the insurgents. Although the war in Namibia is somewhat different from contemporary wars, SADF's cross-border strategy gives us some important insights into the regional dynamics of civil wars.
South Africa-Counterinsurgency Against Namibia; South Africa-Cross Border Strategy; South African Defence Forces; SADF.                                            
Control No. : 42099                                      
                                                                  
SOUTH KOREA                                                
                                                                  
40  John, Jojin V                                              
         Becoming and Being a Middle Power: Exploring a New Dimension of South Korea’s Foreign Policy                
         CHINA REPORT, 50(4), 2014 (November): 325-341             
                                                                  
         The article documents the evolution of the structural dimension in South Korean foreign policy through a study of middle-power diplomacy in the post-2008 financial crisis period. This article argues that middle-power diplomacy, which propounds a global role for South Korea assuming leadership and substantially increasing international contribution is a paradigm shift in South Korean foreign policy posture, which until recently was limited to issues of the Korean peninsula. Through the middle power discourse South Korea projects its role in international affairs as a facilitator, interlocutor and norm entrepreneur focusing on international security, development and environment and is aims to create a space for Korean diplomatic entrepreneurism in the emerging international order.
South Korea-Foreign Policy; South Korea- International Security; South Korea-Middle Power Diplomacy.            
Control No. : 42085                                      
                                                                  
SUDAN                                                      
                                                                  
41  Koos, Carlo                                                
         Why and How Civil Defense Militias Emerge: The Case of the Arrow Boys in South Sudan                            
         STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM, 37(12), 2014: 1039-1057
                                                                  
         This article uses a collective-action framework to study the mobilization of the Arrow Boys (AB), a community defense militia in South Sudan. Drawing on general collective-action explanations, this article argues that the mobilization of the AB was facilitated by two factors: (1) a strong overlap of the fighter's private and the community's public benefit and (2) close social relationships and expectations within the community. The article supports these theoretical claims by, first, examining the scope conditions under which the AB formed and, second, drawing on individual interviews with AB members from Western Equatoria in South Sudan.
Sudan-Civil Defense Militia; Sudan-Arrow Boys; Sudan-Terrorism.                                               
Control No. : 42100                                      
                                                         
TERRORISM                                                  
                                                                  
42  Berntzen, Lars Erik and Sandberg, Sveinung                 
         The Collective Nature of Lone Wolf Terrorism: Anders Behring Breivik and the Anti-Islamic Social Movement.    
         TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, 26(5), 2014 (November- December): 759-779                                       
                                                                  
       Anders Behring Breivik, a lone wolf terrorist, killed 77 people in two terrorist attacks in Norway in 2011. This study uses framing theory from social movement studies to compare his Manifesto with the rhetoric of the anti-Islamic movement that inspired him. The anti-Islamic movement has a dual, and sometimes inconsistent, collective action framing. On the one hand, they portray Islam as an existential threat to the West and a warlike enemy; on the other, they promote peaceful and democratic opposition. The potential for radicalization is thus immanent. This case study reveals the importance of seeing lone wolf terrorists as acting from rhetoric embedded in larger social movements. It further demonstrates, in detail, the subtle and complex ways in which political narratives rejecting terrorism and political violence still end up inspiring such acts.

Terrorism; Anti-Islamic Social Movement.              
Control No. : 42111                                      
                                                                  
43  Lahoud, Nelly                                              
         The Neglected Sex: The Jihadis Exclusion of Women From  Jihad.                                                   
         TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, 26(5), 2014(November-December): 780-802                                       
                                                                  
         The ideological literature of jihad excludes women from combat, even though the classical doctrine of defensive jihad (jihad al-daf’) that jihadis invoke stipulates that all Muslims—men, women, children, and slaves—have an obligation to go out to fight (fard ‘ayn) in defense of their territory and their faith. Thus, the validity of the doctrine of defensive jihad is inherently linked to its universal application to all Muslims. Jihadi ideologues and leaders, however, have either purposely refrained from calling on women to make their presence felt on the battlefield as warriors or have explicitly excluded them. This article is an investigation into this lacuna in jihadi ideology. It addresses a dimension that is hardly, if ever, discussed in the academic literature, namely the jihadis’ exclusion of women from combat. This exclusion represents a gaping hole in jihadi ideology and undermines the validity of the jihadis’ defensive jihad.
Terrorism; Defensive Jihad.                           
Control No. : 42112                                      
                                                                  
44  Tsintsadze-Maass, Eteri and Maass, Richard W               
         Groupthink and Terrorist Radicalization.                 
         TERRORISM AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE, 26(5), 2014(November-December):735-758                                       
                                                                  
         Why do groups adopt terrorism? Major theories of terrorist radicalization assume it to be a rational process whereby groups select terrorism as the policy most likely to advance their goals. Not all terrorism is rational, however, and these theories cannot explain cases when groups pursue terrorism despite it being self-defeating. We distinguish between rational and irrational terrorism, and explain the latter using social psychology's groupthink mechanism. Although terrorists are widely assumed to be vulnerable to groupthink, empirical work on the phenomenon has focused overwhelmingly on decision-making by national executives. We firmly establish the link between groupthink and terrorist radicalization by tracing groupthink's operation through the development of the Weather Underground, an American terrorist group that emerged in the late 1960s and conducted six years of bombings against the U.S. government. All f the antecedent conditions, symptoms, and decision-making defects predicted by groupthink are evident in the Weather Underground, providing valuable evidence of the dangers of irrational radicalization and offering lessons for its prevention.
Terrorism; Terrorist Groups; Irrational Terrorism; Rational Terrorism.                                      
Control No. : 42110                                      
                                                                
UK                                                         
                                                                  
45  Stansfield, Gareth                                         
         The Islamic State, the Kurdistan Region and the future of Iraq: assessing UK policy options                        
         INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS (UK), 90(6), 2014 (November): 1329-1350                                                
                                                                  
        The fall of Mosul in June of 2014 was followed in July by the establishment of a self-proclaimed Caliphate by the Islamic State of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Since then, the Islamic State has continued to expand its operations, persistently pushing into Sunni-dominated parts of Iraq and Syria, nearly defeating the Kurds of Iraq, and moving against the Kurds of Syria, in Kobani, as well as army units of the Syrian state. By doing so, it has maintained an astonishingly high tempo of operations and has shown itself capable, agile and resilient. It has also proved itself to be adept at utilizing social media outlets, and in pursuing brutal tactics against civilians and prisoners that have been aimed at shocking adversaries potential or actual and observers both in the region and beyond. The rise of the Islamic State poses a challenge not only to the security of Iraq and Syria, but to the state system of the Middle East. Western powers have been drawn into a conflict in a limited fashion through air strikes and advising ground forces; the UK, while engaging slightly later than other countries against the Islamic State, has followed this pattern, though targeting Islamic State forces solely in Iraq. This article considers the nature and scale of the threat posed by the Islamic State, and assesses three possible areas of further policy engagement that they UK may, or may have to, follow.
UK-Foreign Policy-Iraq; UK-Foreign Policy-Syria; UK-Foreign Policy- Kurdistan Region; Islamic States.        
Control No. : 42078                                      
                                                                  
USA                                                        
                                                                  
46  Wagner , Wolfgang and Onderco, Michal                      
         Accommodation or Confrontation? Explaining Differences in Policies Toward Iran.                                    
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December)   
     
         Even though democracies by and large share the perception of Iran as a threat to peace and security, they disagree over the appropriate policy response. This paper examines why some democracies prefer accommodation while others plead for confrontation. Using a new data set on democracies' policies toward Iran in the 2000s, we assess the impact of power positions, commercial interests, and domestic political cultures while controlling for government ideology. While we find little support for any impact of power positions, “cultures of dealing with deviance,” that is, the discourses and practices of dealing with violations of norms domestically as institutionalized in a society's criminal law and justice system, have a substantial and statistically significant effect on state policies. Finally, we find qualified support for commercial liberalism: Whereas high levels of total trade do not have the expected effect of making states more accommodations, high levels of trade in strategic goods such as oil do.

USA-Foreign Policy-Iran; Iran-Nuclear Power.          
Control No. : 42117                                      
                                                                  
47  Benn, David Wedgwood                                       
         On re-examining western attitudes to Russia.             
         INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS(UK), 90(6), 2014(November):1319-1328                                                
                                                                  
         There are several strands in western antipathy to Russia which predate the Soviet era by more than a century. Public opinion was always divided on how to respond to the Russia problem; however, neither western nor Soviet leaders sought out war. There is fresh and credible evidence that Brezhnev was a ‘dove’, who was not interested in world revolution and genuinely wanted reconciliation with the United States. The attainment of democracy requires not only an enlightened leader but an intelligent opposition. However, the crucial factor in democratic transition is the avoidance of economic collapse. Nevertheless, the consensus in both Russia and the West in the 1990s was that a laissez-faire policy was the only viable strategy. This article suggests another strategy which might have avoided or mitigated economic collapse. The consensus in both Russia and the West in the 1990s was that nothing should be done to impede the breakup of the USSR. The example of President Kennedy in the aftermath of the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis is an example of magnanimity and a model of constructive reconciliation. In the present crisis over Ukraine there may be no alternative to confrontation but confrontation in itself is a totally inadequate response. Western attitudes must not become an obstacle to reconciliation. Western public opinion can play an important part in forcing the clarification of such attitudes.
USA-Foreign Policy-Russia; Cuban Missile Crisis; Laissez-Faire Policy.                                    
Control No. : 42077                                      
                                                                  
USA                                                        
                                                                  
48  Prantl, Jochen                                             
         Taming Hegemony: Informal Institutions and the Challenge to Western Liberal Order.                                
         THE CHINESE JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 7(4), 2014 (Winter): 449-482                                        
                                                                  
         This article develops the argument that informal institutions ‘G-x groupings’, ‘contact groups’, ‘core groups’ provide a vital space to renegotiate the terms and conditions of US hegemony. With the global balance of power shifting, US hegemony today is no longer seen as the exclusive framework to solve urgent collective action problems major armed conflict, nuclear non-proliferation, climate change, global financial stability. These problems are of global significance and litmus tests for two key properties of US hegemonic power: the ability to maintain order and to provide public goods. As the global financial crisis of 2008 has demonstrated, emerging powers consider US hegemony as part of the problem rather than the framework through which to develop solutions. The substantial challenges for liberal institutions to adapt to major shifts in the global distribution of power and to act as effective problem-solvers has led to growing recourse to alternative mechanisms of collective action that operate in and around the liberal institutional architecture. However, they are not the convenient support structure for the renegotiation of Western liberal order on exclusive US terms. Informal institutions are platforms for contestation with an open outcome. Contestation includes the possibility of developing new patterns and understandings that may ultimately replace Western liberal order. The social contract between hegemonic leader and followers can be revoked. The contract will be up for termination if there is a widely shared belief that the hegemony fails to deliver sufficient public goods and proves to be incapable of performing its system maintenance functions.

USA-Hegemony Power; Western Liberal Order; Liberal Institutions.                                            
Control No. : 42096                                      
                                                                  
49  Kevlihan, Rob, DeRouen, Karl and Biglaiser, Glen           
         Is US Humanitarian Aid Based Primarily on Need or Self-Interest?                                                
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 839-854                                                  
                                                                  
         The United States has made repeated public commitments to provide humanitarian aid based on need alone. However, some scholars suggest that US self-interest is a stronger predictor of US humanitarian assistance than need. We examine the tension between self-interest and need by studying the allocations made by the US Agency for International Development's Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance for more than 100 developing countries between 1989 and 2009. Moving beyond previous studies, we measure need based on both natural (floods, earthquakes, hurricanes) and man-made (conflict related) disasters. Contrary to much previous scholarship, we find need factors shape the decision to provide aid more than US self-interest does. We also find important differences in how much humanitarian assistance is distributed in the pre- and post-9/11 eras, with foreign policy affinity to the United States and battle deaths playing useful roles in how much aid a country receives in the post-9/11 period. The findings generally point to the ongoing importance of need as a driver of humanitarian aid decisions.
USA-Humanitarian Assistance; USA-Foreign Disaster Assistance.                                              
Control No. : 42120                                      
                                                                  
50  Peksen, Dursun, Peterson , Timothy M and Drury, A Cooper   
         Media-driven Humanitarianism? News Media Coverage of Human Rights Abuses and the Use of Economic Sanctions.   
         INTERNATIONAL STUDIES QUARTERLY, 58(4), 2014(December): 855-866                                                  
                                                                  
        Despite significant research on the role that media coverage of human suffering has on foreign policymaking, no study to date has examined the news media's impact on the use of economic sanctions, a widely used policy tool to address humanitarian problems. This study explores whether news media coverage of human rights abuses in Newsweek and the New York Times increases the likelihood of US economic sanctions. Synthesizing insights from agenda-setting theory with recent work on the domestic origins of sanction policy, we argue that press attention to human rights violations increases the threat and imposition of sanctions by mobilizing the public to pressure leaders to take action against abusive regimes. We find support for this argument in statistical tests of US sanction cases between the 1976 and 2000 period. The results also indicate that the media's effect is conditioned by US strategic ties to potential targets: the effect of critical press coverage is stronger for US non-allies than allies. Further, this conditional effect occurs even though abusive allies receive more media attention than abusive non-allies. Overall, this manuscript shows that non state actors can have an important role on foreign policy decision making generally, and specifically that news media influence the US decision to use economic sanctions. Our analyses also suggest that leaders balance the public's demand for action with the security imperative to maintain good relations with allies.
 
USA-Mass Media; USA-Economic Sanctions; USA-Foreign Policy.                                                  
Control No. : 42121