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Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin(August 2015)

Ministry of External Affairs Library
Patiala House
New Delhi

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
(August 2015)




1. Carati, Andrea
No Easy Way Out: Origins of NATO's Difficulties in Afghanistan
Contemporary Security Policy,2, 2015: 200-218 ,36 , August
North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) engagement in Afghanistan represents the most challenging operation in alliance history. Although after 14 years of international intervention the political and socio-economic conditions in Afghanistan have improved, the ongoing withdrawal of international troops is not leaving the country with clear prospects of stability. A vast literature examines the alliance in Afghanistan. An especially relevant important part deals with the USA and NATO mistakes, lessons learned or assessment of the current situation. The origins of NATO's difficulties in Afghanistan are less systematically explored. The consequences of NATO inheriting an ongoing intervention, what it inherited, and the ultimate implications of the distinction between the ‘American war’ and the allied mission remained partially overlooked and obscure. A comprehensive understanding of the origins of what went wrong in allied involvement in Afghanistan is paramount to making sense of the alliance's role today and in the future. This article examines the origins of what NATO inherited in 2003, particularly in the light of the re-Americanization of the conflict during the Obama administration. This analysis focuses on: the consequences of the initial lack of distinction between the Taliban and al-Qaeda; the problems of coordination and competing visions between Enduring Freedom and the International Security Assistance Force; the ideological side of the war on terror which complicated the regional context; and the limited results Obama's strategy achieved. Focusing on the origins of the problems the alliance faces in Afghanistan permits better appreciation of the uniqueness of NATO's intervention and the challenge required to avert the double risk of overestimating or underestimating NATO's actual role in Afghanistan and its implications for the alliance's future.
***1. Afghanistan-International security assistance force 2. USA-Af-Pak strategy 3. USA-Global war on terrorism


2. Ceku, Ethem
The Kosovo Issue and Albano–Yugoslav Relations, 1961–1981
Diplomacy and statecraft,2, 2015: 229-248 ,26 , June
The Yugoslav Federation never satisfactorily resolved the problem posed by the Albanians of Kosovo. Emerging from a period of intense repression, Kosovo in the 1960s and 1970s underwent rapid political development, including the creation of autonomous political institutions. The Kosovo issue was directly affected by developments in Albano–Yugoslav relations—themselves subject to events in the wider world—and by internal developments within Yugoslavia, in which Albania had a strong interest. Throughout the period the issue remained a staple in Albania’s ideological war with Yugoslavia. Wary of the official Kosovar political leadership and suspicious of the nascent Kosovar national movement, Albania was alarmed by Kosovar demands for republican status. Ironically, the reaction of Albania and Yugoslavia to these demands was not dissimilar. This study is based on an analysis of recent historical research, as well as on recently released documents from Kosovar, Albanian, Serbian, and American archives.
***1. Albania-Foreign Relations-Yugoslavia 2. Kosovo issue 3. Kosovar


3. Hamilton, Caitlin and Shepherd, Laura J
The construction of gender-sensitive peacebuilding in Australia: ‘Advance Australia Fair’
Australian Journal of International Affairs,4, 2015: 373-393 ,69 , August
Australia was the first United Nations member state to commit to the United Nations Peacebuilding Fund when it was established in 2006, and it has made annual contributions since then. Australia has also made significant contributions towards enhancing gender equality in peace and security governance, most recently during its 2013–14 term of office on the United Nations Security Council, recognising that gender matters in and to all aspects of peacebuilding activity. This article offers a discourse-theoretical policy analysis of a range of Australian Agency for International Development guidelines and strategies addressing gender and peacebuilding issues, and reads these against the international framework to explore the discursive construction of gender-sensitive peacebuilding in Australia. The authors argue that the representations of peacebuilding in the documents they analyse shape how Australia engages in peacebuilding-related activities and inform how Australia is positioned internationally as a peacebuilding actor.
***1. Australia-Peacebuilding 2. Australia-Peace governance 3. Australia-Security governance


4. Pollmann, M Erika and Tidwell, Alan
Australia’s submarine technology cooperation with Japan as burden-sharing with the USA in the Asia-Pacific
Australian Journal of International Affairs,4, 2015: 394-413 ,69 , August
Australia, Japan and the USA are all facing dual pressures that require them to do more with less. Internationally, they deal with the challenge of managing China’s rapid rise. However, domestically, they must cut government spending and reduce government debt. With internal balancing effectively ruled out as a long-term solution, the three states are seeking ways to optimise external balancing, or cooperation with like-minded states. This article focuses on Australian motivations regarding the recent proposal for submarine cooperation with Japan, and places it in the context of longer trends that poise the USA, Australia and Japan for even greater trilateralism in the future. Australia’s proposal to buy submarines from Japan, should it go through, would cement Australia and Japan’s fledgling security relationship in steel and coin. For Australia, it would help it to overcome its undersea capability gap, and Japan could set a precedent to re-enter the global weapons market if all goes well. Furthermore, Australia can use defence-technology cooperation with Japan to signal to the USA the seriousness of its commitment to burden-share in pursuit of regional security and determination to politically support the USA’s ‘Pivot’ to the Asia-Pacific. However, domestic politics have begun to play an important role in Australia, with a ‘spill’ motion against Prime Minister Tony Abbott barely overcome by a backroom deal with the opposition to build the submarines domestically, and this is an important development to keep an eye on.
***1. Australia-Submarine technology cooperation-Japan 2. Australia-Trilateral relations-Japan-USA


5. Towards a theory of fragile state transitions: evidence from Yemen, Bangladesh and Laos
Third World Quarterly,7, 2015: 1316-1332 ,36
This article uses the Country Indicators for Foreign Policy (CIFP) fragile states framework to evaluate fragile state transitions. Our objective is to find out why some states considered fragile have recovered, while others remain fragile for long periods. We identify three categories of countries: those in a fragility trap, those that have exited it, and those that fluctuate between fragility and stability. CIFP data are used to examine state transitions for each category. One state from each category is then subjected to further country-level analysis. Our findings reinforce the view that state transitions do not follow a unique path and that effective engagement in fragile states requires different approaches across cases.
***1. Bangladesh-Fragile state 2. Laos-Fragile state 3. Yemen-Fragile state




6. Lysenkoa, Volodymyr V and Desouzaa, Kevin C
The Use of Information and Communication Technologies by Protesters and the Authorities in the Attempts at Colour Revolutions in Belarus 2001–2010
Europe-Asia Studies,4, 2015: 624-651 ,67 , June
Information and communication technology have played an important role in the tactics of uprisings against non-democratic regimes worldwide. However, there has been little attention paid in studies so far of how authorities in those countries employ such information and communication technology. In this article we examine the evolution of such tactics as employed by one of the most ingrained authoritarian regimes—that of Belarus—during the decade 2001 to 2010. The political opposition's responses to the authorities' countermeasures are also investigated, followed by an analysis of the co-evolution of these opponents' tactics.
***1. Belarus-Cyberprotests 2. Belarus-Politics and government 3. Belarus-Election


7. Zenelaj, Reina, Beriker, Nimet and Hatipoglu, Emre
Determinants of mediation success in post-conflict Bosnia: a focused comparison
Australian Journal of International Affairs,4, 2015: 414-437 ,69 , August
The main goal of this study is to look at factors determining mediation success in post-conflict environments. More specifically, the authors focus on the level of involvement of the mediator in a post-conflict setting and argue that relational mediation strategies should fare better in such environments. A most similar systems comparison of the European Union/USA and Turkish mediation efforts in Bosnia–Herzegovina, both of which started in October 2009, renders support for the authors’ argument. Their analysis of these two cases suggests that Turkey's relational mediation strategy delivered concrete outcomes in post-Dayton Bosnia compared to the structural intervention style adopted by the European Union/USA. The authors conclude that a relational mediation strategy facilitates the achievement of constructive solutions by helping third parties to make broader assessments of the conflict situation, and by offering flexible options in issue selection and process design.
***1. Bosnia-Herzegovina Mediation strategy-EU-USA 2. Bosnia-Mediation strategy-Turkey


8. Walby, Kevin and Lippert, Randy K
The difference homeland security makes: Comparing municipal corporate security in Canada and the United States
Security Dialogue,3, 2015: 238-255 ,46 , June
We explore what we refer to as municipal corporate security (MCS) units, a new form of security organization that differs significantly from public police and private contract security. Based on 36 interviews with MCS managers in 16 cities across Canada and in the United States, we examine how in-house security practices developed in private corporations are being transferred to municipal governments. We draw from the sociology of security governance to demonstrate how the Department of Homeland Security funding and policy has shaped MCS in the USA since 2001. The absence of similar centralized funding and policy for MCS in Canada has led to more piecemeal policy transfer, fewer links to federal government or national security, and more focus on nuisance policing than anti-terrorism. We also engage with the sociology of security consumption to argue that governments should be conceived as major buyers of security goods.
***1. Canada-Municipal corporate security 2. USA-Municipal corporate security


9. China's Economic Statecraft in Latin America: Evidence from China's Policy Banks
Pacific Affairs,1, 2015: 99-121 ,88 , March
Most scholars and policy makers classify the motivation behind China's global economic activity as an effort to project soft power or to exercise “extractive diplomacy” by locking up natural resources across the globe. In this paper we argue that China, through its state financial institutions and firms, is also significantly motivated by simply commercial reasons. To shed light on this debate, we examine the extent to which China's policy banks provide finance to sovereign governments in Latin America. We find that Chinese policy banks now provide more finance to Latin American governments each year than do the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). Indeed, the large loan size, high interest rates and focus on industry and infrastructure of Chinese finance has less in common with these international financial institutions (IFIs) and more in common with the private sovereign bond market. In this way, Chinese finance appears primarily commercial in nature. Chinese banks offer slightly lower interest rates than the private market, but these are not necessarily concessional subsidies to support a political agenda. The Chinese banks are exposed to less risk because they tie their loans to equipment purchase requirements and oil purchase contracts. Through these risk-lowering arrangements, Chinese banks can profit by lending to countries that have been priced out of the sovereign debt market. While it can be difficult to distinguish between the three types of economic statecraft outlined above, we argue that commercial profit is also a major force behind China's economic statecraft that has been largely overlooked.
***1. China-Foreign investment-Latin America 2. China-Diplomacy-Latin America 3. China-Economic policy-Latin America


10. Tay, Stephen
Rethinking Income Inequality in Japan and China (1995–2007): The Objective and Subjective Dimensions
China Report,3, 2015: 230-257 ,2015 , August
Most countries are grappling with the rising income inequality problem and many governments believe that it is important to reduce income inequality. This is because income inequality is associated with a variety of ‘negative’ outcomes (e.g., protest and low citizen well-being). This seemingly common-sense argument hinges on an untested assumption: Changes in a country’s level of income inequality affect how its citizens perceive and evaluate income inequality. This article argues that this is not theoretically plausible and shows with evidence from China and Japan from 1995 to 2007, that the income inequality of the context a person is embedded in does not systematically affect his or her perception and evaluation of income inequality. Instead, it is the individual socio-psychological factors that affect individual subjective evaluation of income inequality. Thus, while government officials in China and Japan are quick to implement policies that lower the objective dimensions of income inequality, more efforts should focus on subjective income inequality. Simply using the metric of objective income inequality indices (e.g., Gini ratio) as a measure of policy impact may blindside policy makers to the more important subjective income inequality, that is, how people perceive and evaluate everyday income inequality.
***1. China-Income inequality-Japan 2. Japan tolerance for income inequality


11. Scott, David
China’s Public Diplomacy Rhetoric, 1990–2012: Pragmatic Image-Crafting
Diplomacy and statecraft,2, 2015: 249-265 ,26 , June
During Hu Jintao’s period of leadership, careful public diplomacy language was deployed by the People’s Republic of China from 2000–2012 to describe the international system and China’s role within it. The terms looked at in this analysis are those introduced in the 2000s to recalibrate the ‘multi-polarity’ [shijie duojihua] emphasis of the 1990s. These terms have been deployed within a general ‘reassurance diplomacy’ that emphasised concepts like ‘responsible Great Power’ [fuzeren da guo], ‘multi-lateralism’ [duobian zhuyi], ‘good neighbourhood policy’ [mulin zhengce], ‘democratisation of international relations’ [guoji guanxi mingzhuhua], ‘peaceful rise’ [heping jueqi], ‘peaceful development’ [heping fazhan] and ‘harmonious world’ [hexie shijie]. Ambiguities, implications, impact, and tensions surrounding these terms are considered, and China’s deliberate adjustments pinpointed. China’s soft power intentions emerge from its instrumentalist use of diplomatic rhetoric, though a credibility gap also emerged between actions and words by 2012.
***1. China-Public diplomacy


12. Houle, Christian
Ethnic Inequality and the Dismantling of Democracy: A Global Analysis
World Politics,3, 2015: 469-505 ,67 , July
Does inequality between ethnic groups destabilize democracies? While the literature largely agrees that inequality harms democracies, previous studies typically focus on the overall level of inequality in a society, leaving unanswered questions about the effect of inequality between ethnic groups. This article fills this gap and argues that inequality between ethnic groups harms the consolidation of democracy but that its effect is strongest when inequality within groups is low. Using group- and country-level data from more than seventy-one democracies and 241 ethnic groups worldwide, the author conducts the first cross-national test to date of the effect of ethnic inequality on transitions away from democracy. Results provide support for the hypothesis: when within-ethnic-group inequality (WGI) is low, between-ethnic-group inequality (BGI) harms democracy, but when WGI is high, BGI has no discernable effect.
***1. Democracy 2. Within ethnic group inequality 3. Between ethnic group inequality


13. Crandall, Matthew and Allan, Collin
Small States and Big Ideas: Estonia's Battle for Cybersecurity Norms
Contemporary Security Policy,2, 2015: 346-368 ,36 , August
This article focuses on the ability of militarily aligned small states to function as norm entrepreneurs to increase their own state interests. The scholarship on small state foreign policy is growing. This article builds on that scholarship by focusing on the promising, yet underdeveloped field of norm building. While small state scholars have researched norm-building capabilities in non-aligned states, research has not been done on the ability of aligned small states to build norms. Since the end of the Cold War, more and more small states are turning away from neutrality in favour of security organizations, NATO in particular. This has created a significant gap in the literature of small states that this article will address. Using Estonia's efforts at establishing norms in cybersecurity as a case study, this article analyses whether Estonia's membership in NATO helps or hinders its efforts in norm building. The research shows that NATO membership has helped Estonia's efforts in promoting norms, but also has limitations. Despite those limitations, this research shows that for small states with big ideas, the promotion of norms can be a powerful means to further state interest on the global level.
***1. Estonia-Cybersecurity 2. Estonia-NATO


14. Singh, Prerna
Subnationalism and Social Development: A Comparative Analysis of Indian States
World Politics,3, 2015: 506-562 ,67 , July
The quality of life that a person leads depends critically on where it is led. Even taking into account levels of economic development, the chances of an individual surviving through infancy, growing up literate, or living a healthy, long life vary dramatically across regions of the world, in different countries, and within the same country. What are the causes of such variation in wellbeing? This article points to a factor that has been virtually ignored in the vast scholarship on social welfare and development—the solidarity that emerges from a sense of shared identity. The argument marks an important departure from the traditional emphasis on the role of class and electoral politics, as well as from the dominant view of the negative implications of identity for welfare. Combining statistical analyses of all Indian states and a comparative historical analysis of two Indian provinces, Kerala and Uttar Pradesh, this article demonstrates how the strength of attachment to the subnational political community—subnationalism—can drive a progressive social policy and improve developmental outcomes.
***1. India-Economic development 2. India-Progressive social policy 3. Indian States-Sub-national politics


15. Das, Khanindra C and Banik, Nilanjan
Outbound Foreign Direct Investment from China and India: The Role of Country-specific Factors
China Report,3, 2015: 204-229 ,2015 , August
Chinese and Indian enterprises have been increasingly involved in international business thereby attracting global attention since the turn of the 21st century. This article examines outbound investment experiences of Chinese and Indian multinationals and compares and contrasts the investment development trajectory for both the countries. The comparisons and contrasts are made with respect to government policy, motivations for outbound investment, financing of investment, success rate in overseas acquisition, sectoral composition, characteristics of multinational enterprises (MNEs), and the challenges and impact of such investments in the light of differences in economic and institutional parameters between the two countries. It can be observed that there are more differences than similarities in the trajectory of outbound investments by Chinese and Indian enterprises. These differences arise due to the economic and institutional structure and the development path chosen by the two countries. Due to the differences between Chinese and Indian economic development trajectories, which are unique in many ways, it is not meaningful to make a straightforward comparison of outbound foreign direct investment (FDI) experience of the two countries. Nevertheless, the main differences with regard to outward investment by Indian and Chinese enterprises can be observed in areas such as the degree of involvement of the public sector enterprises, financing of overseas investments, success rate of proposed mergers and acquisitions (M&A), sectoral composition of such investments, investment motives, and so on. Various challenges facing outward FDI from China and India are highlighted, some of which could be addressed by specific economic and institutional reforms. The tale of the two countries examined in this article taken together contains important insights for emerging country enterprises and governments on the challenges and opportunities of global business.
***1. India-Foreign direct investment-China 2. India-Corporate governance-China


16. Roy, Nabarun
Assuaging Cold War Anxieties: India and the Failure of SEATO
Diplomacy and statecraft,2, 2015: 322-340 ,26 , June
This analysis examines how Indian diplomacy enabled Burma and Ceylon to turn down requests by the West to join the Southeast Asian Treaty Organisation [SEATO]. It shows how this diplomacy allowed elements in Burma and Ceylon that favoured a non-aligned approach to hold their own in the face of calls to join SEATO. Contrary to the depiction of Indian diplomacy as being simply idealistic and given to pious invocations, this article shows how India used different resources to strengthen the non-aligned constituency in the region. It also shows that whilst many de-colonised states favoured non-alignment, threats to their security led some to align with the Great Powers. Whilst Burma and Ceylon did perceive a clear threat from communism, the example set by India in its own foreign policy, its aid policies, and its relationship with China helped them reduce their fear of communism and stay committed to non-alignment.
***1. India-Foreign policy-Southeast Asia 2. India-Foreign policy-Myanmar 3. India-Foreign policy-Sri Lanka 4. Southeast Asian Treaty Organisation


17. Chowdhury, Debasish Roy
Between the lines: Indian media’s China war
China Report,3, 2015: 169-203 ,2015 , August
Between the Lines: Indian Media’s China War is a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the China coverage in India’s English-language press. The study identifies different kinds of adversarial and non-adversarial frames used in reporting China and classifies them according to their frequency of appearance. It examines the rhetoric and logic employed to activate the most common frames and puts them in the perspective of the politico-cultural predispositions that shape China-related news in India. Reviewing the content of two of India’s biggest selling newspapers, The Times of India (TOI) and the Hindustan Times (HT), in a 6-month period to determine the numerical spread of these frames, the study finds a generally conflictual tone of China coverage, with the dominant frames portraying China as a rival power inimical to India’s interests that needs to be resisted. With the Indian media as an example, this study offers a glimpse of China’s soft power deficit in a region where it is seeking to cement its leadership.
***1. India-Foreign relations-China 2. Sino-Indian boundary dispute


18. Singla, Surinder Kumar
An Analysis of India’s Export Performance with China
Foreign Trade Review,3, 2015: 219-230 ,50 , August
India and China are two rapidly emerging economies in the world. With their high growth rates and huge markets, these two Asian giants have attracted the attention of international business mangers to take a fresh look at the rapidly emerging opportunities in the two countries. Today, India–China relations are conspicuous by the fast rise of their merchandise trade, which has already crossed US$ 42 billion in 2009–2010. China has already become India’s second largest trade partner only after UAE. Besides this, China has also become one of the most favourite destinations for Indian exporters. China’s share in India’s global exports has increased rapidly from just 0.10 per cent in 1990–1991 to 6.47 per cent in 2009–2010. However, this growth of Indian exports to China has not been equally distributed over various commodity groups. In fact, Indian exports to China are mainly dominated by natural resource-based raw materials or semi-manufactured products which are not considered to be healthy from the Indian point of view. Hence, there is an urgent need to add some technologically advanced products in the export basket to China. According to the need of the time, the present study examines the various trends that occurred in growth and structure of Indian exports to China during the last two decades.
***1. India-Trade relations-China 2. India-Merchandise trade-China


19. Tan, Lena
Rethinking the role of ideas and norms in twentieth century decolonization: Constructing metropolitan British identities and responding to Indian nationalism (1929-1935)
International Relations,2, 2015: 177-197 ,29 , June
Recent ideational accounts of twentieth-century decolonization, one of the most important but least studied transformations in world politics, have highlighted the significance of mechanisms like principled beliefs and ethical arguments for explaining the triumph of norms and ideas like racial equality, human rights and self-determination and their role in ending colonialism. In this article, I engage with this body of literature and highlight, through a discussion of Britain and its reaction to Indian calls for self-determination from 1929 to 1935, that explanations that rely on the importance of the adoption and internalization of these norms and ideas by the colonizer and their subsequent extension to the colonized may miss certain critical elements at the heart of these colonial empires. Specifically, this article argues that metropolitan identities had a significant role in constraining and shaping the approaches of elite British policymakers when they were forced to respond to challenges to their colonial rule in India. Critically, this article also seeks to trace how change happens, by examining and discussing the processes, mechanisms and politics involved in the contestation of the dominant identity important to maintaining colonialism and the emergence of an alternative metropolitan identity.
***1. India (Pre Independent)-Decolonization 2. British identities 3. Indian nationalism, 1929-1935


20. Byman, Daniel
The Homecomings: What Happens When Arab Foreign Fighters in Iraq and Syria Return?
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism,8, 2015: 581-602 ,38 , August
What threat do foreign Arab jihadists returning from the war in Syria and Iraq pose to their home states and the broader Arab world? Foreign fighters come back as hardened veterans, steady in the face of danger and skilled in the use of weapons and explosives. While in the conflict zone, they will form networks with other radicals, embrace techniques like suicide bombings and beheadings, and establish ties to jihadists around the world. Different countries have different mitigating factors that limit the danger. The presence or absence of strong and focused security services is particularly important. Returnees' ambition, regional focus, lack of discipline, and brutality often mean they create more enemies than they vanquish and anger local populations. Most terrorism will be locally and regionally focused, with international terrorism probably less of a priority. Area regimes can reduce the risk of bleedout by hindering the travel of volunteers and constraining their ability to organize, stressing the internecine nature of the violence in the Sunni Muslim community, and developing effective de-radicalization programs. Regional and international cooperation to monitor and disrupt travel is also valuable. Many regimes, however, are also likely to take advantage of the jihadists' presence to gain more support from the United States, delay democratic reforms, and crackdown on non-jihadist opposition. Improving intelligence sharing and offensive counterintelligence is important, and the United States can play an important facilitating role.
***1. Iraq-Foreign fighters 2. Syria-Foreign fighters

21. Holman, Timothy
Belgian and French Foreign Fighters in Iraq 2003–2005: A Comparative Case Study

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism,8, 2015: 603-621 ,38 , August
Efforts to understand the distinction between foreign fighting and domestic terrorist acts have focused for the most part at the macro level. This study investigates if this difference is observed at the network level. The Iraq foreign fighter mobilization, which was significant, both numerically and, in terms of its visibility, is used for this analysis. The participation of Belgian and French foreign fighters is examined due to the perceived level of threat they posed in the period 2003–2005 and while absolute numbers are relatively low, these two countries may have provided just under a quarter of the all European foreign fighters in this period. Observations are generated and then compared to research on domestic attack networks in Europe and the United Kingdom. The article finds that the two networks were involved in foreign fighter activity and did not engage in domestic attack activity. Involvement in domestic attacks occurred at a later time via individuals who had left the network, individuals on the periphery of the original foreign fighter network or individuals who unsuccessfully attempted to engage in foreign fighter activity.
***1. Iraq-Foreign fighters 2. Iraq-Terrorism 3. Iraq-Domestic terrorist attacks


22. Isleyen, Beste
Governing the Israeli–Palestinian peace process: The European Union Partnership for Peace
Security Dialogue,3, 2015: 256-271 ,46 , June
This study applies a governmentality approach to analyse the European Union’s civil society promotion in the context of the Israeli–Palestinian peace process through the EU’s Partnership for Peace instrument. Contrary to a widespread conviction in earlier academic research, it argues that the EU engagement with the Israeli–Palestinian conflict has political substance, and the Partnership for Peace provides a good illustration of this. The governmentality perspective highlights the power of the technical in guiding civil society towards particular visions, activities and goals. It brings to light a set of supposedly neutral definitions and technical instruments related to project applications and project selection that sort out, promote and link together civil society action in a way that manages and reinforces the existing dynamics of the peace process. The technical brings with it a particular idea of civil society, which is encouraged to assume functions that focus on the management of the outcomes of the conflict rather than striving for a transformative vision of peace based on political deliberation and fundamental change. The use of the governmentality approach not only aims to provide a better understanding of the nature of the Partnership for Peace programme, but also contributes to debates over the theoretical merits of governmentality by applying the approach to peace and conflict research.
***1. Israel-Palestinian conflict-EU 2. Israeli-Palestinian peace process-EU 3. EU-Partnership for peace


23. Bedasso, Biniam E
Ethnicity, intra-elite differentiation and political stability in Kenya
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,456, 2015: 361-381 ,114 , July
Politics in Kenya remains vulnerable to ethnic tensions despite its openness and vibrancy, but it can also be argued that Kenyan politics is becoming increasingly mature. This article explains the political economy dynamics behind the first two orderly presidential successions in post-colonial Kenya. It proposes a conceptual framework that shows how instrumental ethnicity plays out in a quasi-differentiated society in which ethnic organizations are the key conduits for the flow of rents between political and economic elites. More specifically, it shows how the internal fragmentation of ethnic groups intensifies the structural uncertainties that are commonly associated with intra-elite pacts in weakly institutionalized polities. It is argued that the 1978 and 2002 presidential successions in Kenya were orderly, paradoxically, because some of the crucial political and ethnic organizations were fragmented to the extent that they created conditions of great uncertainty for the elite. In this context, the rule of law was upheld as a last-ditch strategy to mitigate uncertainties in the face of rampant fragmentation. This shows that ultimately elite fragmentation can generate political stability provided that there is enough at stake for the elites.
***1. Kenya-Ethnicity 2. Kenya-Politics


24. Wedgwood, Andrew and Dorn, A Walter
NATO’s Libya Campaign 2011: Just or Unjust to What Degree?
Diplomacy and statecraft,2, 2015: 341-362 ,26 , June
Colonel Muammar Qaddafi’s violence against the Libyan population in the face of a fledgling rebellion in March 2011 prompted an international intervention. The United Nations Security Council authorised the use of ‘all necessary measures’ to protect civilians and enforce a no-fly zone. Following a preliminary American-led military intervention, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation sponsored a seven-month campaign, ‘Operation Unified Protector.’ Was the operation ethically justified? Through the lens of the Just War tradition, seven moral principles are assessed in both qualitative and quantitative fashion. The analysis applies the novel Just War Index to the 2011 case concluding that it exhibited a moderate degree of justness overall. Still, significant flaws and ethical problems emerged. While high evaluations were made of just cause, legitimate authority, last resort and right conduct, lower assessments were given for right intent, net benefit, and proportionality of means. The outcome of the intervention is still unknown, but the broad outlines of a moral assessment are distinguishable.
***1. Libya-American-led military intervention 2. Libya-NATO force 3. Libya-UN peacekeeping force


25. Kerevel, Yann P
(Sub)national Principals, Legislative Agents: Patronage and Political Careers in Mexico
Comparative Political Studies,8, 2015: 1020-1050 ,48 , July
To what extent do external actors control the careers of national legislators in federal systems? Although previous research has demonstrated that multiple principals shape legislative behavior in federal systems, prior studies have been much less successful at demonstrating the relative power of each of these actors over the careers of federal legislators. Using an original data set on the career paths of Mexican federal legislators, this study seeks to determine the relative importance of governors, presidents, and other party elites in shaping the future career choices of national legislators in federal systems. I find that legislators who share partisanship with the president or their governor are more likely to obtain patronage positions, while party leaders predominantly control access to the ballot. The findings also suggest that while governors and presidents can influence a subset of legislators, the large majority of legislators pursue future positions over which party leaders control access.
***1. Mexico-Politics and government 2. Mexico-Fedralism 3. Latin American politics


26. Bieab, Jasper L de, Christianne J. de Pootcb and Leuna, Joanne P van der
Shifting Modus Operandi of Jihadist Foreign Fighters From the Netherlands Between 2000 and 2013: A Crime Script Analysis
Terrorism and Political Violence,3, 2015: 416-440 ,27 , July-August
This article describes the development of foreign fighters’ preparatory modes of operation between 2000 and 2013, based on an analysis of 17 closed police investigations and 21 semi-structured interviews with police investigators, public prosecutors, and lawyers. Through the use of grounded theory methods and a crime script analysis, we find that the phenomenon is not as new as is often portrayed. It changes over time as changing opportunity structures have an impact on the activities foreign fighters undertake during the preparation phase. We demonstrate how geopolitical changes, social opportunity structures, and technological developments affect the modus operandi over time. One of the implications of our findings is that the dynamic nature of the foreign fighting
phenomenon requires flexible and tailored prevention measures.
***1. Netherlands-Terrorism 2. Netherlands-Jihadi networks


27. Fuady, Ahmad Helmy
Aid and policy preferences in oil-rich countries: comparing Indonesia and Nigeria
Third World Quarterly,7, 2015: 1349-1364 ,36
This paper analyses the role of foreign aid in assisting development in two oil-rich countries: Indonesia and Nigeria. It seeks to understand the way foreign aid provided assistance to transform Indonesia from a ‘fragile’ state in the 1960s into one of the ‘Asian Tigers’ in the mid-1990s, and why it did not prevent Nigeria from falling into ‘African Tragedy’. The paper argues that foreign aid may help not only to finance development, but also to navigate policy makers’ policy choices. It shows how foreign aid may or may not help policy makers turn their policy preferences into action.
***1. Nigeria-Foreign aid 2. Indonesia-Foreign aid 3. Nigeria-Economic development 4. Indonesia-Economic development


28. Briefing: Why Goodluck Jonathan lost the Nigerian presidential election of 2015
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,456, 2015: 455-471 ,114 , July
***1. Nigeria-Politics and government 2. Nigeria-Presidential election


29. Malika, Muhammad Sohail Anwar et. at.
Identification of Risk Factors Generating Terrorism in Pakistan
Terrorism and Political Violence,3, 2015: 537-556 ,27 , July-August
Terrorism is a complex issue and various researchers have identified numerous causes and conditions that generate or are capable of generating terrorism. In the last decade, terrorist attacks claimed 36,495 lives and injured 27,985 people in Pakistan as a result of 3,482 bomb blasts and 281 suicide attacks. The aim of this research was to establish the major risk factors generating terrorism, based on the opinions of security officials who dealt directly with the Pakistan security situation. Sixty-five causes identified from the literature and interviews with security officials were modeled and transformed into a questionnaire. A nationwide response from security officials who were directly involved in dealing with apprehended terrorists was obtained. The population was selected proportionately from high, medium, and low security zones of Pakistan. Out of 500 questionnaires sent, 103 valid responses were received. The results helped establish the 13 major risk factors associated with generating terrorism. It was observed that addressing these 13 major risk factors would mostly resolve the other minor risk factors as well. Findings of this research might be beneficial for countries affected by terrorism, and countries with prioritized and rationalized allocation of funds in their budgets for substantially overcoming terrorism.
***1. Pakistan-Terrorism 2. Pakistan-Security risk


30. Finkel, Evgeny, Gehlbach, Scott and Olsen, Tricia D
Does Reform Prevent Rebellion? Evidence From Russia’s Emancipation of the Serfs
Comparative Political Studies,8, 2015: 984-1019 ,48 , July
Contemporary models of political economy suggest that reforms intended to reduce grievances should curtail unrest, a perspective at odds with many traditional accounts of reform and rebellion. We explore the impact of reform on rebellion with a new data set on peasant disturbances in 19th-century Russia. Using a difference-in-differences design that exploits the timing of various peasant reforms, we document a large increase in disturbances among former serfs following the Emancipation Reform of 1861, a development counter to reformers’ intent. Our analysis suggests that this outcome was driven by peasants’ disappointment with the reform’s design and implementation—the consequence of elite capture in the context of a generally weak state—and heightened expectations of what could be achieved through coordinated action. Reform-related disturbances were most pronounced in provinces where commune organization facilitated collective action and where fertile soil provoked contestation over land.
***1. Russia-Emancipation reform 2. East European politics


31. Favarel-Garriguesa, Gilles
A Power Horizontal. The Public–Private Enforcement of Judicial Decisions in Russia
Europe-Asia Studies,4, 2015: 606-623 ,67 , June
Based on fieldwork done in Ekaterinburg, this article deals with the enforcement of legal decisions about economic disputes in the late 2000s in Russia. As state employees, bailiffs are responsible for the implementation of court decisions but their efficiency depends on the cases they deal with. In the most successful cases, they are backed by private enforcers, hired by the claimant and often coming from the law enforcement agencies. This common work reflects an informal public–private partnership from below in which bailiffs and private enforcers co-execute judicial decisions. Such autonomous public–private power configurations at local level challenge the governmental claim to build a ‘power vertical’ in Russia from the top.
***1. Russia-Public–private partnership 2. Russia-Judiciary


32. Serneels, Pieter and Verpoorten, Marijke
The Impact of Armed Conflict on Economic Performance: Evidence from Rwanda
Journal of Conflict Resolution,4, 2015: 555-592 ,59 , June
Important gaps remain in the understanding of the economic consequences of civil war. Focusing on the conflict in Rwanda in the early 1990s, and using micro data, this article finds that households and localities that experienced more intense conflict are lagging behind in terms of consumption six years after the conflict, a finding that is robust to taking into account the endogeneity of violence. Significantly different returns to land and labor are observed between zones that experienced low- and high-intensity conflict which is consistent with the ongoing recovery. Distinguishing between civil war and genocide, the findings also provide evidence that these returns, and by implication the process of recovery, depend on the form of violence.
***1. Rwanda-Economic growth 2. Rwanda-Armed conflict 3. Rwanda-Civil war


33. Curtis, Devon E A
Development assistance and the lasting legacies of rebellion in Burundi and Rwanda
Third World Quarterly,7, 2015: 1365-1381 ,36
Rwanda and Burundi have both emerged from civil wars over the past 20 years and foreign donors have provided significant contributions to post-conflict reconstruction and development in the two countries. Yet, although Rwanda and Burundi share several important characteristics, their post-conflict social, political and economic trajectories have been different. This article argues that the nature of the ruling parties in Rwanda and Burundi is key to understanding the countries’ relationships with donors. Rather than seeing aid as an exogenous factor, causing particular development outcomes, it shows how local party elites exert considerable agency over the aid relationship. This agency is influenced by a number of different local contextual factors, including how the parties were established, how they evolved and the ways in which their civil wars ended. Thus, the article provides an analysis of how local context matters in understanding donor–recipient aid relationships, and how the ruling party in Rwanda (the RPF) and in Burundi (the CNDD–FDD) emerged from their respective conflicts with different relationships with international donors.
***1. Rwanda-Foreign aid 2. Burundi-Foreign aid


34. Jibao, Samuel S and Prichard, Wilson
The political economy of property tax in Africa: Explaining reform outcomes in Sierra Leone
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,456, 2015: 404-431 ,114 , July
Effective local government taxation is critical to achieving the governance benefits widely attributed to decentralization, but in practice successful tax reform has been rare because of entrenched political resistance. This article offers new insights into the political dynamics of property tax reform through a case study of Sierra Leone, focusing on variation in experiences and outcomes across the country's four largest city councils. Based on this evidence, the article argues that elite resistance has posed a particularly acute barrier to local government tax reform, but that ethnic diversity has sometimes served to strengthen reform by fragmenting elite resistance. Furthermore, opposition councils have had stronger incentives to strengthen tax collection than councils dominated by the ruling party, in order to increase their fiscal autonomy. More generally, heightened electoral competition can lead to sustained revenue gains by encouraging city councils to adopt a more contractual approach to tax reform that stresses transparency, engagement, and equity.
***1. Sierra Leone-Property tax reform 2. Sierra Leone-Local government tax reform


35. Hamid, Wajihah
Feelings of home amongst Tamil migrant workers in Singapore's little India
Pacific Affairs,1, 2015: 5-25 ,88 , March
Low-wage Tamil migrant workers have long been contributing to Singapore's economy. Despite labouring there for three decades and being connected to the existing Tamil diasporic community in Singapore, they have been left out of both state rhetoric and society, often due to claims of transience. However, a fatal traffic accident in the locality of Singapore's Little India in December 2013 involving a Tamil migrant worker that morphed into a riot has again brought the problems of these men and their presence within the vicinity of Little India to the fore. This paper is based on a wider ethnographic study of a group of Tamil migrant workers from the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu who were working in Singapore in 2012. The homely feelings experienced by the migrant workers highlight their feelings of homesickness vis-à-vis the need for a sense of belonging felt amongst transnational male migrant workers. On the other hand, practices that make the space unhomely for them not only illustrate their social position but will also lead to to the study of the governmentality of migration and control of migrant bodies.
***1. Singapore-Tamil migrant workers 2. Singapore-Governmentality


36. Beyers, Christiaan and Fay, Derick
After restitution: Community, litigation and governance in South African land reform
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,456, 2015: 432-454 ,114 , July
This article considers the fracturing of “community” and the turn to litigation in the wake of nominally settled land restitution claims in South Africa. We describe emergent incongruence between groups of claimants, the projects of restitution, and the new legal entities that represent the claimants. As a result, discontented South African land claimants are challenging the new legal entities created in the restitution process, rather than the state and private sector actors upon which development-oriented Settlement Agreements depend. We focus on two of the earliest and largest land claims involving urban land and protected areas, District Six and Dwesa-Cwebe, but our argument extends beyond these cases. We then consider the implications of increased claimant litigation for the governance of relations between claimants and the state, and the management of dissent in the context of neo-liberalization. In concluding, we argue that struggles among claimants undermine the potential for more concerted action to address the shortcomings of restitution.
***1. South Africa-Land restitution 2. South Africa-Tourism development


37. Smith, Nicholas Rush
Rejecting Rights: Vigilantism and violence in post-apartheid South Africa
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,456, 2015: 341-360 ,114 , July
Academic and policy interest in the emergence, development, and efficacy of rights has increased substantially over the last twenty years. One particular effect that scholars have recently identified is the connection between the spread of rights across the globe and large-scale reductions in violence. While the expansion of rights may enable reductions in violence, the evidence in this article suggests the opposite may also be true. Drawing on ethnographic research on vigilantism in South Africa, a country deeply invested in the twentieth century rights revolution, the article shows how vigilantes have used the state's expanding rights regime to justify violence. Specifically, it examines the growth and spread of what was at one time South Africa's largest vigilante group, Mapogo a Mathamaga. Mapogo first emerged shortly after the country's transition to democracy and rapidly grew as its leadership preached a gospel that rejected rights, claiming that rights enabled crime and allowed immorality to proliferate. By assaulting suspected criminals, Mapogo's members claim that they are correcting the criminal, the post-apartheid state, and the flawed rights regime on which it is based, an outcome which the existing literature on rights and violence has difficulty explaining.
***1. South Africa-Vigilantism 2. South Africa-Vigilante group


38. Kima, Jiyoung
Aid and state transition in Ghana and South Korea

Third World Quarterly,7, 2015: 1333-1348 ,36
This paper examines the questions of why and how foreign assistance was utilised successfully in South Korea but less so in Ghana, with a focus on the role of aid in the process of state building and state transition in these two countries. As multiple policy makers and scholars have noted, in 1957 South Korea and Ghana shared similar levels of GDP per capita, yet South Korea then achieved rapid economic development and democracy in one generation, while Ghana suffered from slow development and a general deterioration of the standard of living. In this study I adopt a comparative historical research method to explain the divergent paths of these two countries, with a special focus on the impact of foreign assistance on state transitions. I argue that contextual factors – including the effect of the colonial legacy in each of these two regions in shaping modern states, and the specific characteristics of foreign assistance intervention – provide useful insights in explaining the differential impact of aid on state building and state transition in Ghana and in South Korea.
***1. South Korea-Foreign aid 2. Ghana-Foreign aid 3. South Korea-Economic development 4. Ghana-Economic development


39. Alege, Philip O and Osabuohien, Evans S
Trade-Exchange Rate Nexus in Sub-Saharan African Countries Evidence from Panel Cointegration Analysis
Foreign Trade Review,3, 2015: 151-167 ,50 , August
This study explores international trade–exchange rate interaction in sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries. Based on partial equilibrium analysis, we develop two equations for export and import in which exchange rate, real gross domestic product (GDP), stock of capital and technology are the independent variables. The results from empirical analyses show that export and import are inelastic to changes in exchange rate. It follows that depreciation of currencies in the region may not have the expected results in view of the structure of the economies and export compositions. In the same vein, depreciation would not depress imports but only aggravate balance of payments. Thus, in the light of the findings, a policy of exchange rate stability that hinges on long-run considerations, capital accumulation and technological capacity as well as the maintenance of comprehensive coherent macroeconomic packages remains a critical factor in ensuring that exchange rate policy performs its central role as a trade facilitation tool.
***1. Sub-Saharan African Countries-Foreign trade 2. Sub-Saharan African Countries-Exchange rate policy


40. Hierman, Brent
Central Asian Ethnicity Compared: Evaluating the Contemporary Social Salience of Uzbek Identity in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
Europe-Asia Studies,4, 2015: 519-539 ,67 , June


Uzbekethnicity is generally salient in both states, the context in which it becomes so varies across space. In particular, there are significant urban–rural distinctions that affect when Uzbek ethnicity is utilised to interpret the world. In addition, compared to others, rural Tajikistani Uzbeks perceive that the boundary between Uzbeks and the titular groups is particularly permeable.
***1. Tajikistan-Uzbek ethnicity 2. Kyrgyzstan-Uzbek ethnicity


41. The political economy of grand corruption in Tanzania
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,456, 2015: 382-403 ,114 , July
This article examines the political economy of grand corruption in Tanzania in the era of rapid growth and global integration. Grand corruption in Tanzania is linked to intra-elite conflicts within the ruling CCM party. However, the underlying dynamics of these struggles and how such elite politics interacts with the wider process of socio-economic transformation unfolding in Tanzania are not well understood. This article draws on the political settlements approach in building an analytical framework to examine four major grand corruption scandals that occurred within public finance from
2000 until 2014. In particular, it sets out the key actors and patterns in the factional struggles over corruption in order to demonstrate how the elite within the ruling CCM party is not centralized but composed instead of internal factions that have equal weight. The article explains how the enduring control of this elite, despite its internal divisions, can be explained by examining the balance of power in society beyond the institutions of the ruling party or the state itself. The article then establishes the mechanisms through which grand corruption shapes paths of accumulation within the domestic economy in Tanzania. In concluding, it argues that the fragmented distribution of power within the ruling party means that policy responses of the donor community, in particular the halting of aid disbursements, have been ineffective and are likely to continue to be ineffective in stopping grand corruption in Tanzania.
***1. Tanzania-Politics and government 2. Tanzania-Political economy


42. Aksoy, Deniz, Carter, David B and Wright, Joseph
Terrorism and the Fate of Dictators
World Politics,3, 2015: 423-468 ,67 , July
The authors study the influence of domestic political dissent and violence on incumbent dictators and their regimes. They argue that elite with an interest in preserving the regime hold dictators accountable when there is a significant increase in terrorism. To pinpoint the accountability of dictators to elite who are strongly invested in the current regime, the authors make a novel theoretical distinction between reshuffling coups that change the leader but leave the regime intact and regime-change coups that completely change the set of elites atop the regime. Using a new data set that distinguishes between these two coup types, the authors provide robust evidence that terrorism is a consistent predictor of reshuffling coups, whereas forms of dissent that require broader public participation and support, such as protests and insurgencies, are associated with regime-change coup attempts. This article is the first to show that incumbent dictators are held accountable for terrorist campaigns that occur on their watch.
***1. Terrorism 2. Tunisia-Terrorism

43. Jensena, Richard Bach
Anarchist Terrorism and Global Diasporas, 1878–1914
Terrorism and Political Violence,3, 2015: 441-453 ,27 , July-August
During the quarter century before the First World War, anarchist terrorism was often blamed on the impact of anarchist agitators on naïve immigrants. This article seeks to investigate the truth of this claim, focusing particularly on Italian emigrants, but also looking at some examples of Spanish, French, and Russian emigrants. My conclusion is that, with a few exceptions, radicals emigrated, but emigration did not create radical terrorists. A particularly good example of this can be found by examining the large Italian emigration to Argentina. At most, the emigrant experience may have heightened a pre-existing radicalism or given more precise configuration to its violent expression.
***1. Terrorism 2. Argentina-Terrorism 3. Italy-Terrorism 4. Foreign fighters

44. Maleta, David
Foreign Fighter Mobilization and Persistence in a Global Context
Terrorism and Political Violence,3, 2015: 454-473 ,27 , July-August
Although foreign fighting is hardly new, scholarly research on the phenomenon is only a decade old. Since 2005, there has also been a dramatic rise in the number of transnational insurgents fighting in the Middle East, and they appear to have become the face of the jihad movement. However, of the dozens of foreign fighter contingents around the world in recent decades, only about half have been Islamists. In this article, I contend that the difference between the other contemporary and historical foreign fighter groups and the jihadis is not one of mobilization or effectiveness, but of persistence. Most other foreign fighters demobilized at the end of their conflicts and reintegrated. I argue that the primary factor that accounts for the persistence of the jihadis was the policies of their home and host states that prevented reintegration and created cohorts of stateless, and now professionalized, actors who perpetuate in weakly-governed conflict zones. In presenting this argument, I first attempt to establish a common working definition of foreign fighter based on the first decade of discourse in this emerging field of study, and present a comparative examination of the largest recorded foreign fighter mobilizations.
***1. Terrorism 2. Foreign fighter 3. Global terrorism


45. Bilgic, Ali
‘We are not barbarians’: Gender politics and Turkey’s quest for the West
International Relations,2, 2015: 198-218 ,29 , June
Turkey’s policy-makers have historically aimed to position Turkey within the West by convincing the latter that Turkey meets the ‘standards’ of the West, that they ‘are not barbarians’. This article aims to offer a gender analysis of Turkey’s relations with the West by showing how ‘devalorization’ as feminization and hypermasculinization of the non-West becomes a source of insecurity for non-Western policy-makers. This gendered ontological insecurity is intensified when they face a military threat from a third party. The argument is that Turkey’s policy-makers try to benefit from military crises in order to represent Turkey as a state meeting Western ‘standards’ of masculinity, and therefore to address its gendered ‘devalorization’. The analysis aims to contribute to the literatures of postcolonial feminism and non-Western insecurities.
***1. Turkey-Gender politics 2. Turkey-Devalorization


46. Suonpää, Mika
British Foreign Policy, the Financial Elite, and the Nationalisation of the Constantinople Quays Company, 1934–1945
Diplomacy and statecraft,2, 2015: 211-228 ,26 , June
The analysis examines the role of British financial institutions, namely the Bank of England and the Corporation of Foreign Bondholders [CFB], in the making of British policy towards Turkey. The nationalisation of the Constantinople Quays Company, a port operator purchased in 1907 by the British and French governments, serves as a case study through which business–state relations, the role of finance in the conduct of international relations, and the impact of perceptions on policy decisions are explored. In this case, the financial elite’s role was minimal during most of the period considered, becoming more important in the final war years in a framework of the Anglo–Turkish debt restructuring negotiations of 1944. Significantly, the CFB, rather than the Bank, represented the British government in the negotiations. There exists an abundance of evidence of the divergent views between Whitehall and the financial elite about Turkey’s trustworthiness as a debtor and a signatory to treaties. The British government’s perceptions were much more positive than those of the financial elite. This difference stemmed from the different interests involved: Whitehall sought to secure Turkey’s collaboration in the increasingly unstable global security environment while the Bank and the CFB were more concerned with investor and bondholder interests and attempted to avoid further financial losses.
***1. UK-Foreign policy-Turkey 2. Corporation of foreign bankholders


47. Hughes, Michael J and Platt, Roger H
Far Apart but Close Together: A Quantitative and Qualitative Analysis of the Career Structure and Organisational Culture of the Post-War British Diplomatic Service
Diplomacy and statecraft,2, 2015: 266-293 ,26 , June
A good deal has been written about the organisation and structure of the British diplomatic establishment since 1945. This analysis uses detailed quantitative and qualitative data to develop an understanding of the background and career trajectories of the most senior figures in the Diplomatic Service in 1975. By tracing their careers, it is possible to identify more precisely than before the changing educational and social background of these individuals when compared with previous generations of diplomats. This analysis also examines certain core features of the culture of the diplomatic establishment during the post-war decades, analysing how it both shaped and was shaped by particular structures and practices. Despite the existence of a peripatetic career structure that dispersed members of the diplomatic establishment around the globe, there were still numerous opportunities for the kinds of personal contact necessary to maintain an integrated culture.
***1. UK-Foreign service 2. UK-Diplomats 3. British diplomatic and consular service


48. Nováky, Niklas I M
Why so Soft? The European Union in Ukraine
Contemporary Security Policy,2, 2015: 244-266 ,36 , August
In December 2014, the European Union (EU) launched its civilian mission in Ukraine, EU Advisory Mission (EUAM). Although the mission's main purpose is to mentor and advice Ukrainian officials on civilian Security Sector Reform, this article argues that EUAM's deployment was driven by a broader geopolitical logic, that is, to soft balance Russia. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014, international perceptions of Moscow's intentions turned increasingly ambivalent. Due to EU member states’ divergent interests vis-à-vis Russia and the union's lack of hard balancing capabilities, the only feasible means available to the EU to deal with the situation in Ukraine were diplomatic and economic pressure, that is, sanctions. However, whereas sanctions are designed to compel Russia to solve her ongoing conflict with Ukraine diplomatically, the EU is also undertaking soft balancing measures that allow it to undermine Russia's interests in Ukraine without confronting her directly. Two attributes make EUAM a soft balancing act: firstly, it improves the resilience of the Ukrainian state against Russian influence and pressure; and secondly, it shows political support to the Ukrainian government and people. There currently is a broad consensus among EU member states for supporting Ukraine in almost every way, short of military assistance. Whether or not this support is sustainable in the long run is an open question.
***1. Ukraine-Civilian security 2. Ukraine-Common security-EU 3. Ukraine-Defence security-EU 4. EUAM


49. Pepinsky, Thomas B
Trade Competition and American Decolonization
World Politics,3, 2015: 387-422 ,67 , July
This article proposes a political economy approach to decolonization. Focusing on the industrial organization of agriculture, it argues that competition between colonial and metropolitan producers creates demands for decolonization from within the metropole when colonies have broad export profiles and when export industries are controlled by colonial, as opposed to metropolitan, interests. The author applies this framework to the United States in the early 1900s, showing that different structures of the colonial sugar industries in the Philippines, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico–diverse exports with dispersed local ownership versus monocrop economies dominated by large US firms–explain why protectionist continental-agriculture interests agitated so effectively for independence for the Philippines, but not for Hawaii or Puerto Rico. A comparative historical analysis of the three colonial
economies and the Philippine independence debates complemented by a statistical analysis of roll call votes in the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act supports the argument. In providing a new perspective on economic relations in the late-colonial era, the argument highlights issues of trade and empire in US history that span the subfields of American political development, comparative politics, and international political economy.
***1. USA-Economic development 2. USA-Political economy 3. Philippine-Decolonization


50. Fields, Jeffrey R
Engaging Adversaries: Myths and Realities in American Foreign Policy
Diplomacy and statecraft,2, 2015: 294-321 ,26 , June
American policy-makers and politicians present specious rationales for abjuring diplomatic engagement with adversarial regimes and actors. The conventional wisdom is that negotiating with adversaries is futile and a form of reward that the enemy will exploit. This tool of statecraft, therefore, should be avoided. However, many of the objections for avoiding diplomacy are suspect when examined closely. In addition, though prominent adversaries like Iran have generally shunned the United States, it has regularly engaged other hostile and adversarial regimes and non-state actors. The selective use of specious reasons contributes to an American foreign policy that often prefers the isolation and containment of ‘rogue states.’ Additionally, myths like the futility of appeasing adversaries have taken hold, and practitioners rarely question it. The post-Cold War American ‘diplomacy allergy’ is often counter-productive and stands in contrast to Cold War pragmatism.
***1. USA-Foreign policy 2. USA-Diplomacy 3. USA-Diplomatic relations-Reprogressive regimes

51. Reveron, Derek S and Gvosdev, Nikolas K
(Re) Discovering the National Interest: The Future of U.S. Foreign Policy and Defense Strategy
Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,3, 2015: 299-316 ,59 , Summer
There is an enduring consensus about America's role in the world, which is due to the fact that while administrations may change, fundamental U.S. interests have not. These include protecting the U.S. homeland from catastrophic attack, sustaining a global system marked by open lines of communication to facilitate commerce, and preserving regional balances of power. Far from being a reluctant imperialist or hegemon on the offensive, the United States tends to fill security voids when they are created (even if often late to the game) to ensure the international system remains functional. To be sure, future U.S. grand strategy will be global and multilateral, but it will be much more selective than it is today.
***1. USA-Foreign Policy 2. USA-Defence policy 3. USA-National security


52. Wang, Vincent Wei-cheng
The U.S. Asia Rebalancing and the Taiwan Strait Rapprochement
Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,3, 2015: 361-379 ,59 , Summer
A historic rapprochement is transforming the Taiwan Strait, which until recently had been considered a “flashpoint” in Asia that could embroil two nuclear powers. This détente occurs amidst a momentous power transition in the Asia-Pacific. Many see the U.S. “Pacific Pivot” as a response to China's recent assertive policies, the shifting power balance caused by the 2008 global financial crisis, and the realization that Asia holds the key to the economic and security futures of the United States. And yet the Obama Administration's official statements on the pivot policy were nearly silent on Taiwan. What explains the near official silence on the role of Taiwan in the U.S. pivot policy? This article examines three hypotheses: (1) “The Lost Cause” thesis (i.e., Pivot without Taiwan), (2) “The Fate Undetermined” thesis (i.e., Pivot, then Taiwan), and (3) “The Tacit Alliance” thesis (i.e., Pivot with Taiwan, in deed if not in word) against available evidence and assesses the positive and negative implications of the evolving cross-strait relations for the U.S. pivot to Asia, as well as the U.S. policy's impact on cross-strait relations.
***1. USA-Foreign policy-Asia 2. USA-Pivot policy-Taiwan 3. USA-Security relations-Taiwan


53. Rozman, Gilbert
Reassessing the U.S. Rebalance to Northeast Asia
Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,3, 2015: 361-379 ,59 , Summer
After assessing the “pivot” to Asia, the author contends that now is the time to split the rebalance of Asia in two—Northeast and Southeast Asia. Northeast Asia poses the more complicated challenge. The Northern Triangle of China, Russia and North Korea (despite appearances) is drawing together, but the U.S.-Japan-ROK Alliance is at an impasse. Serious differences exist between Japan and South Korea. Without this bilateral relationship working well, the rebalance to Northeast Asia is hampered in dealing with North Korea's regional diplomatic strategy, the regional strategy of Russia to transpose its notion of a “new Cold War” to the east, and the Chinese strategy of weakening U.S. alliances. U.S. rebalancing success versus determined adversaries has little chance unless Seoul and Beijing are in greater agreement.
***1. USA-Foreign policy-Northeast Asia 2. USA-Foreign relations-Japan 3. USA-Foreign relations-North Korea 4. USA-Foreign relations-South Korea


54. Cusumano, Eugenio
The scope of military privatisation: Military role conceptions and contractor support in the United States and the United Kingdom
International Relations,2, 2015: 219-241 ,29 , June
Although the privatisation of military support is increasingly widespread, advanced military organisations have not relied on Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) to the same degree. The existing scholarship on PMSCs cannot explain why countries sharing similar material incentives and similar market and political ideologies like the United States and the United Kingdom have not outsourced the same operational tasks. This article contends that introducing military role conceptions as a factor enabling or inhibiting the outsourcing of certain functions provides important insights into the scope of military privatisation, explaining why the US military has systematically privatised armed security and foreign military training, while the UK military has not
***1. USA-Military privatisation 2. UK-Military privatisation 3. Private military and security companies


55. Krist, William
Negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Closing the Deal
Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,3, 2015: 331-347 ,59 , Summer
The Trans-Pacific Partnership, a free trade agreement under negotiation among the U.S. and 11 other countries, would have an enormous impact on world trade and would advance U.S. foreign policy interests. However, several modifications are needed if this agreement is to be a good template. Negotiators should ensure that the rules which are designed to promote international investment do not weaken regulators’ ability to promote the public welfare. It is crucial that the rules on intellectual property protection do not result in more costly pharmaceuticals. And most importantly, negotiators need to address currency manipulation.
***1. USA-Trade relations-Trans-Pacific Countries 2. USA-Foreign policy-Trans-Pacific Countries


Akbara, Sajjad29
Aksoy, Deniz42
Alege, Philip O39
Allan, Collin13
Banik, Nilanjan15
Bedasso, Biniam E23
Beriker, Nimet7
Beyers, Christiaan36
Bieab, Jasper L de26
Bilgic, Ali45
Byman, Daniel20
Carati, Andrea1
Carter, David B42
Ceku, Ethem2
Chowdhury, Debasish Roy17
Christianne J. de Pootcb26
Crandall, Matthew13
Curtis, Devon E A33
Cusumano, Eugenio54
Das, Khanindra C15
Desouzaa, Kevin C6
Dorn, A Walter24
Favarel-Garriguesa, Gilles31
Fay, Derick36
Fields, Jeffrey R50
Finkel, Evgeny30
Fuady, Ahmad Helmy27
Gehlbach, Scott30
Gvosdev, Nikolas K51
Hamid, Wajihah35
Hamilton, Caitlin3
Hatipoglu, Emre7
Hierman, Brent40
Holman, Timothy21
Houle, Christian12
Hughes, Michael J47
Isleyen, Beste22
Jensena, Richard Bach43
Jibao, Samuel S34
Kerevel, Yann P25
Khana, M Zubair29
Kima, Jiyoung38
Krist, William55
Leuna, Joanne P van der26
Lippert, Randy K8
Lysenkoa, Volodymyr V6
Maleta, David44
Malika, Muhammad Sohail Anwar29
Nováky, Niklas I M48
Olsen, Tricia D30
Osabuohien, Evans S39
Pepinsky, Thomas B49
Platt, Roger H47
Pollmann, M Erika4
Prichard, Wilson34
Reveron, Derek S51
Roy, Nabarun16
Rozman, Gilbert53
Sandholzerb, Michael29
Scott, David11
Serneels, Pieter32
Shepherd, Laura J3
Singh, Prerna14
Singla, Surinder Kumar18
Smith, Nicholas Rush37
Suonpää, Mika46
Tan, Lena19
Tay, Stephen10
Tidwell, Alan4
Verpoorten, Marijke32
Walby, Kevin8
Wang, Vincent Wei-cheng52
Wedgwood, Andrew24
Wright, Joseph42
Zenelaj, Reina7


-International security assistance force1
-Foreign Relations-Yugoslavia2
-Submarine technology cooperation-Japan4
-Fragile state5
-Herzegovina Mediation strategy-EU-USA7
-Municipal corporate security8
-Foreign investment-Latin America9
-Income inequality-Japan10
-Public diplomacy11
-Economic development14
-Foreign direct investment-China15
-Foreign policy-Southeast Asia16
-Foreign relations-China17
-Trade relations-China18
India (Pre 
-Foreign fighters20-21
-Palestinian conflict-EU22
-American-led military intervention24
-Politics and government25
-Foreign aid27
-Politics and government28
-Emancipation reform30
-Public–private partnership31
-Economic growth32
-Foreign aid33
Sierra Leone 
-Property tax reform34
-Tamil migrant workers35
South Africa 
-Land restitution36
South Korea 
-Foreign aid38
-Saharan African Countries-Foreign trade39
-Uzbek ethnicity40
-Politics and government41
-Gender politics45
-Foreign policy-Turkey46
-Foreign service47
-Civilian security48
-Economic development49
-Foreign Policy51
-Foreign policy50
-Foreign policy-Asia52
-Foreign policy-Northeast Asia53
-Military privatisation54
-Trade relations-Trans-Pacific Countries55



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