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Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin(September 2015)

Ministry of External Affairs Library
Patiala House
New Delhi

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
(September 2015)




1. Mishra, Manoj Kumar
Afghan neutrality: Principles breached and costs incurred

World Affairs: The Journal of International issues,3, 2015: 84-100 ,19 , July-September

The neutrality of Afghanistan has been historically maintained not only by the state but also by the major powers. This ensured that, given its geopolitical importance, Afghanistan did not fall under any single country’s influence thereby remaining independent. This paper discusses strategies adopted by various Afghan rulers and the policies of rival imperial hegemons in the course of the last two centuries. It shows that when the country’s neutrality has been breached, heavy costs have been incurred by Afghanistan and all parties involved.

***1. Afghanistan-Neutrality 2. Basmachi movement 3. Afghanistan-Islamic groups 4. Afghanistan-Nation building



2. Bagai, Mithila Urmila
The three PS in Afghanistan’s political history

World Affairs: The Journal of International issues,3, 2015: 102-107 ,19 , July-September

Afghanistan as a nation today is still struggling to build national unity and concord. This article describes the effects of three enduring factors on Afghanistan’s political culture, which is tribal, patriarchal and mostly devoid of national awareness. Its strategic location at the crosswords of Asia has often attracted foreign powers and repeated invasions have fostered the proliferation of militias, warlords and sectarian guerrillas disallowing the formation of strong government institutions.

***1. Afghanistan-Political culture 2. Afghanistan-Democratic system 3. Afghanistan-Foreign powers




3. Sebastian, N
Islamic Movements Engaging with Democracy: Front Islamique Du Salut (FIS) and the Democratic Experiment in Algeria

India Quarterly,3, 2015: 255-271 ,71 , September

The recent political developments in the Arab world, in general, and in the North African states like Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, in particular, develop new enthusiasm on the interaction between Islam/Islamism/Islamic movements and democracy; especially with the institutions and practices of western liberal democracy. Islamist groups have become a critical factor in the larger politics of those states and the central focus of any serious debate on political liberalisation and democratisation in the Arab world. The 1990s witnessed a revival of Islamism in the political sphere through the increasing participation of Islamists in elections and the democratic process. It has raised some new debates on the fundamental question of the compatibility of Islam and democracy. Such debates, at times, challenged the dominant western pre-supposition that Islam and democracy are incompatible. It has become crucial in the widely discussed ‘post September 11’ global context where many groups in the west project Islamism and Islamic movements as the biggest threat to modern liberal–democratic states. The Algerian experiment with democracy in the late 1980s, which this article discusses in detail, was the first such experiment in the Arab world where Islamists actively participated in a liberal democratic election process. The developments that had taken place after the victory of Islamists in this election were crucial in framing an Islamist approach to democracy thereafter.

***1. Algeria-Islamism 2. Algeria-Democracy 3. Algeria-Islamic salvation front




4. Kazi, Reshmi
Nuclear Security in Asia: Problems and Challenges

Strategic Analysis,4, 39: 378-401 ,39 , July-August

The importance of nuclear security in Asia needs to be focused upon in view of the emerging challenges of nuclear proliferation, growing nuclear arsenals, expanding civilian nuclear energy programmes, weak export controls, zones of domestic instability and terrorism in several regions within the continent. This article focuses on the factors that pose potential risks to nuclear security in Asia. It emphasises the prevailing factors endangering the security of nuclear and radiological materials in Asia. The article stresses the need to strengthen nuclear security in Asia and reinforce effective nuclear security worldwide.

***1. Asia-Nuclear security 2. Asia-Nuclear weapons 3. Pakistan-Nuclear weapons 4. Asia-Terrorism




5. Giry, Stéphanie
Autopsy of a Cambodian Election: How Hun Sen Rules

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 144-159 ,94 , September/October

***1. Cambodia-Politics and government 2. Cambodia-Election 3. Vietnam syndrome




6. Levine, Derek
Earning its Wings: a political economy analysis of China's journey toward development of the C-919 commercial airliner

Journal of Contemporary China,95, 2015: 823-845 ,24 , September

This article examines China's development of its C-919 large passenger aircraft through the lens of Porter's Determinant Model. The model serves as a blueprint for analyzing what China must do to increase its probability of developing a competitive, large passenger aircraft. Success in the industry can be achieved best by developing technologically advanced aircraft and selling a sufficient number to develop economies of scale. To explore underlying questions of what China is doing right and what areas need improvement, the author interviewed key aviation professionals and sampled the limited publications on the topic in both English and Chinese.

***1. China-Airplane industry 2. China-C-919 commercial Airplane



7. Young, Stephen M
U.S.–China Relations: Balancing Cooperation and Competition in the Most Important Bilateral Relationship in Both the Region and the World

American Foreign Policy Interests,3, 2015: 166-174 ,37 , May-June

The NCAFP held a conference with participants from the United States and China on opportunities and challenges in the bilateral relationship. The following is a summary of the conference discussion, which was held in March 2015.
***1. China-Bilateral relations-USA 2. China-Trilateral relations-USA-Japan 3. USA-Economic relations-China



8. Sun, Degang and Zoubir, Yahia H
China's Economic Diplomacy towards the Arab Countries: challenges ahead?

Journal of Contemporary China,95, 2015: 903-921 ,24 , September

Since the outbreak of the Arab revolts in late 2010, China has adhered to its ‘business-first’ economic diplomacy towards the Arab countries, a policy driven by China's ongoing geoeconomic interests. The ten-year-old China–Arab States Cooperation Forum serves as the nucleus for China's economic diplomacy in the region. The Chinese authorities have also initiated interagency coordination and central–local governments' power sharing in order to pursue this diplomacy successfully. However, while its economic diplomacy may be evolving, China, unlike what it has achieved in Black Africa, seems to have failed to develop strategic, political and cultural exchanges with its Arab counterparts. The intertwined geopolitical and geoeconomic factors that have emerged since the Arab revolts might make it harder for China to reap economic benefits while shelving political entanglement to sustain this economic diplomacy in the longer run.

***1. China-Economic diplomacy-Arab Countries 2. China-Economic relations-Arab Countries



9. Thomas, Nicholas
The Economics of Power Transitions: Australia between China and the United States

Journal of Contemporary China,95, 2015: 846-864 ,24 , September

This article examines Sino–Australian economic relations, and their impact on the ties between the United States and Australia. First, drawing on power transition theory, it is argued that in a post-Cold War environment, economic ties play as great a role as strategic relations in determining the orientation of third-party states. Second, it is also argued that Australia's deeper economic and commercial ties with China have usurped a role previously held by the United States. This has forced Australia to pursue a bifurcated foreign policy—one split between its economic and national security needs. Third, these deeper ties with China have generated a degree of alliance drift between Australia and the United States. As a result, there is now a significant debate in Australia over the future of both bilateral relations—even as its space for policy innovation remains limited.

***1. China-Economic relations-Australia 2. USA-Economic relations-Australia 3. China Australia free trade agreement



10. Wang, Hongying
The Missing Link in Sino–Latin American Relations

Journal of Contemporary China,95, 2015: 922-942 ,24 , September

The growing economic presence of China around the world is a widely recognized reality. China's expanding economic relations with other developing countries have generated both positive and negative reactions. Many believe that the increasing economic ties between China and these countries will enhance China's political influence and encourage political cooperation between China and other countries in the Global South. How strong is the economic–political link? This article examines this question in the context of Sino–Latin American relations in recent years. It finds that thus far China's expanding economic relations with the region have not had a significant spillover effect into the political realm. The article provides preliminary explanations of the missing link between the economic and the political. It calls for more nuanced ways to apply familiar international relations paradigms to understanding the implications of the rise of China.

***1. China-Economic relations-Latin America 2. China-Economic cooperation-Latin America



11. Fallon, Theresa
The New Silk Road: Xi Jinping's Grand Strategy for Eurasia

American Foreign Policy Interests,3, 2015: 140-147 ,37 , May-June

Chinese Communist Party Secretary and President Xi Jinping's foreign policy agenda can be characterized as nothing less than rewriting the current geopolitical landscape. His announcement of the New Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st Century Maritime Silk Road lays out a vision which will include a population of over 4 billion people with one-third of the world's wealth, and a $40 billion dollar Silk Road fund, along with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank, also known as the BRICS bank, to fund it. Xi's ambitious initiative has three drivers: (1) energy, (2) security, (3) markets. Like the silken strands on a loom, these drivers will weave together to create a fabric of interconnected transport corridors and port facilities that will boost trade, improve security, and aid strategic penetration. No longer is there a division in China's foreign policy between either the maritime domain or the “March West.” The over-arching “Belt and Road” concept attempts to sew together these interests in one mega–foreign policy project. The “Belt and Road” initiative is a flexible formula and can even be expanded to include past projects as there are no deadlines or clear parameters. China's leading academics have been recruited to celebrate Xi Jinping as the “designer of China's road to being a great power.”

***1. China-Foreign policy-USA 2. Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank 3. BRICS bank 4. Maritime silk road



12. Aken, Tucker Van and Lewis, Orion A
The Political Economy of Noncompliance in China: the case of industrial energy policy

Journal of Contemporary China,95, 2015: 798-822 ,24 , September

One of the greatest challenges facing China today is the central government's ability to ensure that policies are implemented effectively at the local level, particularly policies that seek to make China's economic growth model more sustainable. These policies face resistance from local authorities and enterprises that benefit from the status quo. This raises a key research question: why do some provinces more fully implement these central policies? We argue the extent of local implementation is best conceptualized as a rational balance between economic and political incentives: localities with regulatory autonomy, low regulatory capacity and alternative interests will not fully implement policies that are at odds with local economic imperatives. By examining a critical case of central policy implementation—industrial energy intensity reduction in the eleventh five-year plan—this article demonstrates that, regardless of industrial makeup or economic development, provinces that have greater regulatory autonomy for noncompliance coupled with alternative economic interests do not, on average, perform as well. Using a nested analysis approach this study illustrates this argument with both quantitative analysis and original case study evidence from fieldwork interviews.

***1. China-Industrial energy policy 2. China-Economic growth



13. Arab states and the unrest in China’s Xinjiang province

World Affairs: The Journal of International issues,3, 2015: 118-133 ,19 , July-September
China’s Xinjiang province is mainly inhabited by the Muslim Uyghur minority. The prevailing atmosphere of tension in light of acts of violence met with harsh repression, has generated varied opinions. This paper begins with a historical overview of the problem. It then analyses the formal stance of Arab states as well as informal attitudes towards the Uyghur issue. It also highlights the steps China should undertake to resolve the internal conflict while maintaining good relations with Arab states. The study concludes that due to strong, multiple economic ties, official Sino–Arab relations have not been greatly affected by the violence caused by Uyghur separatism.
***1. China-Muslim Uyghur minority Issue 2. China-Uyghur separatism 3. Arab Countries-Foreign relations-China



14. Lampton, David M
Xi Jinping and the National Security Commission: policy coordination and political power

Journal of Contemporary China,95, 2015: 759-777 ,24 , September

This article discusses the rationale for, and progress to date of, creating a National Security Commission in China, a move first announced in late 2013. Central impulses for the Commission's establishment are to help better coordinate a very fragmented bureaucracy and to advance Xi Jinping's drive to consolidate his personal power over the internal and external coercive and diplomatic arms of the governing structure. The Commission is a work in progress and its full institutional maturation will take a protracted period. In the midst of the Commission's construction, there is considerable confusion among subordinates in the foreign policy and security areas about lines of authority and ultimate objectives. Beyond Xi Jinping, it is difficult to discern an authoritative voice. It is an open question as to whether this institutional attempt to achieve coordination will improve, or further complicate, China's long-standing coordination problem, some recent foreign policy achievements notwithstanding. The Commission's focus is heavily weighted toward internal and periphery security, but it also is an institution-building response to new global and transnational issues. It is not self-evident that Xi, or any single individual, can effectively manage the span of control he is constructing.

***1. China-National security commission 2. China-National security policy 3. China-Foreign policy



15. Meijer, Hugo
Actors, Coalitions, and the Making of Foreign Security Policy: US Strategic Trade with the People's Republic of China

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,3, 2015: 433-475 ,15 , September

In light of the intertwining logics of military competition and economic interdependence at play in Sino–American relations, this paper examines how the United States has balanced conflicting national security and economic interests in the making of US export control policy on defense-related technology toward China. Relying upon a large body of primary sources (including 170 interviews), it seeks to contribute to the understanding of this strategically sensitive yet neglected area of Sino–American relations. It is shown that, as a consequence of the erosion of the US capacity to control the diffusion of defense-related technology to China in the post-Cold War era, a growing set of actors within the United States has reassessed the security/economic calculus in Washington's relationship with Beijing. Specifically, this coalition advocates the streamlining of export controls to sustain the defense and technological industrial base and thereby maintain American military/technological preeminence vis-à-vis a rising China.

***1. China-Strategic relations-USA 2. China-Defence relations-USA 3. USA- Export control policy-China



16. Hannan, Kate and Firth, Stewart
Trading with the Dragon: Chinese trade, investment and development assistance in the Pacific Islands

Journal of Contemporary China,95, 2015: 865-882 ,24 , September

Chinese development assistance, raw material exploitation, investment and trade increases in their region are causing Pacific Islanders to ask: ‘Why are the Chinese interested in Pacific Island states?’ and ‘Why has there been an upsurge of the Chinese influence in the Pacific?’. This article seeks to add to the debate on that issue by examining the nature and the evolving purpose of Chinese engagement with the small island states of the Pacific. Only a small proportion of China's outbound investment goes to the Pacific Islands, but it has a considerable effect on the region's economically dependent states. Pacific Island nations have a pressing need for overseas investment and are highly dependent on development assistance. They are, therefore, particularly vulnerable to external players.

***1. China-Trade relations-Pacific Islands 2. China-Foreign investment-Pacific Islands 3. China-Development assistance-Pacific Islands



17. Young, Stephen M
Cross-Strait Trilateral Conference: Focus on Taiwan's Seminal January 2016 Elections

American Foreign Policy Interests,3, 2015: 157-165 ,37 , May-June

The NCAFP held a conference with participants from the United States, People's Republic of China, and Taiwan to discuss Cross–Taiwan Strait progress and concerns. The following is a summary of the conference discussion, which was held in March 2015.

***1. China-Trilateral relations-USA-Taiwan 2. Taiwan-Legislative Yuan elections 3. Taiwan-Presidential elections 4. Taiwan-Democracy




18. Holt, Blaine D
Europe, Where Is Your Strategy?

American Foreign Policy Interests,3, 2015: 123-131 ,37 , May-June

A resurgent and aggressive Russia, refugee flows and terrorists, and rising antisemitism and xenophobia are all sitting on an economic house of cards with unity in Europe coming apart. Soberly stated, Europe is at the cliff's edge and the time for action is now. What action? A voracious 24-hour media cycle and rapidly developing crises seem to have leaders pinned in a caustic loop of act–react. Given that the top challenges of the day affect each of the European capitals differently, in terms of impact to national interests, it is little wonder that finding consensus, either at the European Union or North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), is difficult. Whether it is monetary policy wielded at the European Central Bank or redefining defense postures, measures taken at the multinational level seem wanting for long-term approaches. A common vision of Europe's future is essential and it needs to be articulated in the form of a strategy. A variety of ways are available to get there but the time is now. The wolves are at Europe's door in ways that are reminiscent of what was seen in 1914 and 1938. Arguably, every nation on the planet has equities in the existing international system as well as Europe's success. After all, from Vladimir Putin to Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), both are being challenged. Europe needs her strategy now.

***1. Europe-Grand strategy 2. European Union-Gross Domestic Product 3. Transatlantic trade and investment partnership 4. Treaty of Westphalia



19. Bell, Mark S
Beyond Emboldenment: How Acquiring Nuclear Weapons Can Change Foreign Policy

International Security,1, 2015: 19-46 ,40 , Summer

What happens to the foreign policies of states when they acquire nuclear weapons? Despite its importance, this question has not been answered satisfactorily. Nuclear weapons can facilitate six conceptually distinct foreign policy behaviors: aggression, expansion, independence, bolstering, steadfastness, and compromise. This typology of foreign policy behaviors enables scholars to move beyond simple claims of “nuclear emboldenment,” and allows for more nuanced examination of the ways in which nuclear weapons affect the foreign policies of current and future nuclear states. The typology also sheds light on Great Britain's response to nuclear acquisition. Britain used nuclear weapons to engage in greater levels of steadfastness in responding to challenges, bolstering junior allies, and demonstrating independence from the United States, but it did not engage in greater levels of aggression, expansion, or compromise. The typology and the British case demonstrate the value of distinguishing among different effects of nuclear weapons acquisition, have implications for scholars' and policymakers' understanding of the role of nuclear weapons in international politics, and suggest avenues for future research.

***1. Foreign policy 2. Nuclear weapons 3. UK-Nuclear weapons 4. USA-Nuclear weapons




20. Cooper, Andrew F and Farooq, Asif B
The Advocacy of Democratic Governance by India and China: Patterns of Consistency/Inconsistency between Declaratory and Operational Practices

India Quarterly,3, 2015: 221-238 ,71 , September

This article examines the patterns of consistency and inconsistency between how India and China advocate democratisation at the global and national levels. Addressing this question through a dualistic framework, we develop a detailed map of the rhetorical promotion of democratic governance by India and China through an analysis of 10 years of foreign affairs speeches, remarks, interviews and statements of political elites of both countries. The article argues that although China has not shied away from declarations on democracy domestically as well as on global governance, the contradictions between the clear and consistent push for democracy and equity at the global level and the highly contingent commitment to democracy at the national level remain highly salient. India’s deficiencies, by way of contrast, come not in the domain of legitimacy but effectiveness. India’s struggle to translate its domestic democratic credibility into more equitable representation at the global institutional level and into a stellar economic model at the domestic level exposes it to criticism in relationship to China. Yet, even with these gaps, the article concludes that India has some comparative advantages over China precisely because it can play a consistent two-level game in terms of the promotion of democracy both at global and state levels.

***1. India-Democratic governance-China 2. India-Democracy 3. China-Democracy



21. Shneiderman, Sara and Tillin, Louise
Restructuring States, Restructuring Ethnicity: Looking Across Disciplinary Boundaries at Federal Futures in India and Nepal

Modern Asian Studies,1, 2015: 1-39 ,49 , January
India and federalizing Nepal represent distinct types of federal polity: their origins lie not in the unification of previously autonomous states, but in the devolution of power by a previously centralized state. The boundaries of their constituent sub-units are therefore open to debate, and settling their contours is central to the project of state-building. Written by a political scientist and an anthropologist, this paper presents a comparative exploration of the reciprocal relationship between state structuring and ethnicity in India and Nepal, with a focus on the effects of territorial versus non-territorial forms of recognition. It pushes against recent tendencies within South Asian Studies to see ethnic identity as called into being solely by state practices or ‘governmentality’ on

the one hand, or as a newly commoditized form of belonging produced through neoliberal reforms on the other. Instead it argues that ethnicity must be understood as a multivalent concept that is at once embedded in specific histories of state and sub-state formation, and generative of them. Comparative in scope yet driven by qualitative data collected over years of engagement across the region, the paper charts a middle way between detailed ethnographic studies and large-scale comparative endeavours.

***1. India-Ethnicity 2. India-State structure 3. Nepal-Ethnicity 4. Nepal-State structure


22. Karki, Rohit and Paudel, Lekhnath
Challenges to the Revision of the Nepal–India 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty

Strategic Analysis,4, 39: 402-416 ,39 , July-August

The contemporary strategic and political environment has gone through tremendous changes in comparison to the context in which the 1950 treaty was signed. The Indian prime minister Narendra Modi’s August 2014 visit to Nepal, the first by an Indian prime minister in 17 years, has rekindled the hope of improving Nepal–India relations, including revision of the 1950 treaty. Against this backdrop, this article argues that without understanding India’s strategic, security-related and political concerns, revision of the 1950 treaty is highly unlikely. The article further argues that by identifying and addressing the key challenges, both countries can develop a shared strategic vision which in turn can provide an enhanced framework for the revision of the 1950 treaty and further strengthen the ‘special’ Nepal–India relationship in the changed strategic context of the 21st century.

***1. India-Foreign relations-Nepal 2. India-Treaty of peace and friendship 1950-Nepal 3. India-Himalayan frontier policy 4. India-Security interests



23. Bhat, T P
International Trade in Health Care Services: Prospects and Challenges for India

India Quarterly,3, 2015: 239-254 ,71 , September

In the last two decades, international trade in health care services has expanded under the GATS. It has acquired new dimensions with the application of advanced information and communication technology and cross-border mobility. India is a participant in the GATS and has made binding commitments to minimise trade barriers. Under GATS, trade liberalisation is effected through four modes: mode 1 represents cross-border supply; mode 2, consumption abroad; mode 3, commercial presence; and mode 4, presence of natural persons. Though all modes are not totally free and are subject to restrictions, India enjoys certain distinct advantages, especially under modes 2 and 4. India has emerged as a hub for clinical research, has established superiority in IT-enabled and back-end services and has built a reputation in offering an array of specialised medical and surgical interventions at affordable prices, which have boosted medical tourism. The global health care market is highly competitive; therefore, there is a need for suitable export strategies to effectively tap into the potential of the individual markets.

***1. India-Health Care Services 2. India-Trade in healthcare



24. Chaturvedy, Rajeev Ranjan
South China Sea: India’s Maritime Gateway to the Pacific

Strategic Analysis,4, 39: 360-377 ,39 , July-August

This article looks at India’s interests and strategy in the South China Sea (SCS). First, it highlights India’s maritime interests and discusses the relevance of the SCS to these interests. It then examines some key ingredients of India’s evolving policy initiatives in the region. The article argues that with a considerable expansion of India’s engagement with the South China Sea littoral states, India appears to be genuinely emerging as an indispensable element in the strategic discourse of this region. India could be a valuable security partner for several nations in the Asia Pacific region, provided it sustains a high economic growth rate and nurtures the framework of partnership that it has enunciated in the region.

***1. India-Maritime strategic interests-South China Sea 2. India-Trade partnership-Asia Pacific Region



25. Ganguly, Rajat
India’s Military: Evolution, Modernisation and Transformation

India Quarterly,3, 2015: 187-205 ,71 , September

The Indian military is the world’s fourth largest after the US, Russia and China. In the immediate aftermath of India’s independence from British rule, however, it was hard to imagine that in the span of six decades, a poverty-stricken, fragmented and deeply traumatised country would emerge as a military powerhouse. How and why has this transformation taken place? Has India’s growing military prowess resulted in a more robust and adventurist foreign policy, particularly within the South Asian region? What does India’s rapid military transformation, particularly the Indian Navy, in the twenty-first century say about India’s perception of threats to national security? In this article, I argue that the Indian military’s expansion and modernisation has happened in phases, mainly as a reaction to threatening developments within the surrounding region, the evolving global strategic environment and the perceptions and decisions taken by India’s political elites. I argue, further, that as India’s military prowess and self-confidence have grown, Indian leaders have at times felt tempted to flex the military muscles, particularly in low-intensity regional conflicts, but not always with expected results. I conclude that in the twenty-first century, the Indian military, particularly the Indian Navy, is undergoing rapid expansion and transformation. This suggests that in addition to threats coming across the western and northern land borders with Pakistan and China respectively, India’s security planners envisage a growing threat to national security emanating from the deep waters of the Bay of Bengal, the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean.

***1. India-Military 2. India-Nuclearisation 3. India-Military transformation



26. Pinkney, Andrea Marion
Looking West to India: Asian education, intra-Asian renaissance, and the Nalanda revival

Modern Asian Studies,1, 2015 ,49 , January

More than 800 years ago—at approximately the same time as the founding of the first European universities—the renowned monastic institution known as the Nālandā Mahāvihāra disappeared from historical records. Since 2006, a transnational Asian initiative to revive ancient Nalanda as ‘Nalanda University’ in Bihar, India, has been embraced at the highest government and philanthropic levels by a consortium of South, Southeast, and East Asian nations. Nalanda, described as an ‘icon of Asian renaissance’, and the issues surrounding its revival raise important questions about how a new interest in ‘pan-Indo-Asianism’ and a newly imagined vision of ‘Asian’ education are seen as converging to promote Asian interests. First, I consider the ambivalent relationship of the revival and its pre-modern namesake against the Nālandā Mahāvihāra's known history. Then I characterize two kinds of discourse on the contemporary project: one that is ‘pan-Indo-Asian’ and frames the

revival as serving transnational Asian goals; and another that is Indic and imagines Nalanda as advancing Indian national concerns. While, for the various stakeholders, serious fissures are evident in the symbolic values of Nalanda—as an exemplar of Asia and of India—both types of discourse, taken together, reveal important insights into the development of an alternative model of education that is both modern and ‘Asian’.

***1. India-Nalanda University 2. Asia-Education 3. India-Soft diplomacy 4. India-Buddhism 5. Nalanda Mahavihara


27. Gopal, Darvesh and Ahlawat, Dalbir
Australia–India Strategic Relations: From Estrangement to Engagement

India Quarterly,3, 2015: 206-220 ,71 , September

India and Australia held a set of largely divergent strategic perspectives during the Cold War period, which prevented any significant strategic relationship from developing at that time. Since the end of the Cold War, however, strategic relations between the two countries, although still volatile, have steadily improved. This article argues that as the Indo-Pacific region is increasingly seen as an arena of strategic importance in both New Delhi and Canberra, there is increased scope for a further convergence of Indo-Australian strategic relations based on a series of shared core security concerns. However, in the context of a rising China and re-assertive US in the region, there is a danger that bilateral relations between each of the two countries and the US may serve to prevent a strengthening of independent Indo-Australian relations. First, the post-World War II security policies of both India and Australia are outlined, as are the places occupied by each country in the strategic perspectives of the other. Then, the post-Cold War convergence of security perspectives of both nations is examined in the context of the emerging importance of the Indo-Pacific region in terms of both non-state security challenges and traditional balance-of-power concerns. Finally, the pressures exacted on potential Indo-Australian strategic relations by a rising China and re-assertive US are considered. It is argued that although convergence has begun, India and Australia still have a long way to go before they can initiate a robust and independent bilateral security partnership.

***1. India-Strategic relations-Australia 2. India-Security policy-Auatralia 3. India-Security policy-China




28. Pitakdumrongkit, Kaewkamol
Coordinating the South China Sea Issue: Thailand's roles in the code of conduct development

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,3, 2015: 403-431 ,15 , September

This article studies the roles of Association of Southeast Asian Nations country coordinators in shaping negotiation outcomes, which have been under-examined. A question: ‘What makes an effective coordinator?’ is explored. ‘Effectiveness’ is the ability to shape outcomes in one's direction. This paper argues that a coordinator's effectiveness is rooted in resource management, not resource possession. To be effective, the coordinator must turn the resources at hand into bargaining leverage vis-à-vis the others. To validate the argument, this paper demonstrates how Thailand, taking advantage of its coordinator position, advanced the talks on the Code of Conduct of the South China Sea resulting in the first formal consultation in September 2013.

***1. International Organizations-ASEAN 2. South China Sea-International disputes 3. Sino-ASEAN relations




29. Gaffar, Md Abdul
Iran as a regional power in West Asia: Opportunities and challenges

World Affairs: The Journal of International issues,3, 2015: 64-83 ,19 , July-September
The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War transformed international politics, altering the character of the world order. The end of bipolarity opened up new spaces for rising countries to exploit and many vassalised states began playing a vital role in the redistribution of power. Situated between the Caucasus and the Indian Ocean, Iran holds an important military–strategic position with the ability to control the Persian Gulf, the Caspian Sea area, Afghanistan and even Pakistan. However, it is also the rupture point in the chain of American outposts in the greater Middle East region. This paper assesses the nature and characteristics of regional powers in West Asia and examines the prospects of Iran becoming the leading power in the region. It identifies the conditions favourable to and the barriers against such an ambition.

***1. Iran-Regional power-West Asia 2. Iran-Economy 3. Iran-Nuclear programme 4. Iran-Strategic capabilities




30. Kim, Ji Young
Rethinking the role of identity factors: the history problem and the Japan–South Korea security relationship in the post-Cold War period

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,3, 2015: 477-503 ,15 , September

What explains the Japan–South Korea security relationship in the post-Cold War period? This article highlights the impact of the conflict and convergence of identity factors vis-à-vis external factors (such as the North Korean military threat, the regional presence of US forces, and growing Chinese power) to offer a more comprehensive explanation of the ebb and flow of security cooperation between Japan and South Korea. This article argues that in some cases, the identity factors affect security cooperation more than external strategic factors. Based on three in-depth case studies, the article provides an empirical examination of how identity factors have affected the overall pattern of Japan–South Korea security relations since the 1990s. The analysis will have important implications for our understanding of the role of identity factors between Japan and South Korea, as well as envisioning the possibilities of regional security cooperation in the future.

***1. Japan-Security relations-South Korea 2. North Korea-Nuclear threat 3. General security of military information agreement 4. GSOMIA




31. Watson, Iain
Middle powers and climate change: the role of KIA

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,3, 2015: 505-536 ,15 , September
The paper assesses the role and impact of the middle-power alliance of South Korea–Indonesia–Australia (KIA) in the region. KIA is a middle power and informal grouping. Its three constituents play a key role in the South Korean-based Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI). The paper identifies and discusses how KIA states, within the GGGI, and as a result of their intentions and middle-power strategies, represent a shift away from previous asset or attribute-based middle-power leverage. Instead, a strategic emphasis on issue-specific network positioning is emerging. These strategic and behavioral developments are impacting upon and reflect certain challenges to traditional understandings and expectations of middle-power activity and alliance building in the Asia-Pacific region, and, in the context of their specific responses to climate change impact and governance in the region.
***1. Korea-Trilateral relations-Indonesia-Australia 2. Asia Pacific Region-Climate change 3. South Korean-based Green Growth Institute 4. ASEAN-Green growth




32. Friedman, Max Paul and Long, Tom
Soft Balancing in the Americas: Latin American Opposition to U.S. Intervention, 1898–1936

International Security,1, 2015: 120-156 ,40 , Summer
In the aftermath of the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, scholars of international relations debated how to best characterize the rising tide of global opposition. The concept of “soft balancing” emerged as an influential, though contested, explanation of a new phenomenon in a unipolar world: states seeking to constrain the ability of the United States to deploy military force by using multinational organizations, international law, and coalition building. Soft balancing can also be observed in regional unipolar systems. Multinational archival research reveals how Argentina, Mexico, and other Latin American countries responded to expanding U.S. power and military assertiveness in the early twentieth century through coordinated diplomatic maneuvering that provides a strong example of soft balancing. Examination of this earlier case makes an empirical contribution to the emerging soft-balancing literature and suggests that soft balancing need not lead to hard balancing or open conflict.

***1. Latin America-Foreign policy-USA 2. Latin America-Good neighbor policy-USA




33. Garces-Mascarenas, Blanca
Revisiting Bordering Practices: Irregular Migration, Borders, and Citizenship in Malaysia

International Political Sociology,2, 2015: 128–142 ,9 , June
Through a detailed case study of immigration policies in Malaysia, this article examines processes of bordering in a country where physical borders do not seem to play a pivotal role. It describes how, in Malaysia, immigration policies neither focus on border control nor pose strict limits on immigrants’ entry but rather seek to curtail immigrants’ presence once in the country. The analysis of this “securitization from within” allows us to make three interconnected arguments. First, no border control does not mean no immigration control. Second, confines or internal borders play a decisive role in the construction and preservation of a cheap, flexible labor force. However, despite the disproportionate power of the Malaysian executive, these confines are systematically challenged by immigrants’ everyday practices either by resorting to illegality or by reentering the country after deportation. Thus, when the contours of legality are very narrow, illegality does not necessarily mean a more subordinated form of existence but rather a way to resist state control. Third, both foreigners and citizens can be deprived of their most basic rights. In this regard, the conventional wisdom that citizenship draws a clearly defined line of exclusion/inclusion proves to be wrong in the case of Malaysia.

***1. Malaysia-Immigration policies 2. Malaysia-Irregular Migration 3. Malaysia-Citizenship




34. Green, Nile
Buddhism, Islam and the religious economy of colonial Burma

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies,2, 2015: 175-204 ,46 , June
Bringing to light the first known Urdu primary source on Islam in colonial Burma, this essay examines the polemical encounter with Buddhism in the years surrounding the Third Anglo–Burmese War. Using the model of religious economy, the Urdu Sayr-e Barhma is contextualised amid the religious pluralisation and competition that accompanied colonisation as a multitude of religious ‘entrepreneurs’ and ‘firms’ rapidly entered the colony. Among them was the Indian Muslim author of Sayr-e Barhma, which provided a detailed account of the history, language and theology of Burman Buddhists and included an account of a public debate which, it claimed, culminated in the

conversion of the Thathanabaing (Primate). Against the long-standing historiographical emphasis on the economic roots of anti-Indian sentiments in colonial Burma, this essay points to the religious dimensions of these enduring antagonisms.

***1. Myanmar-Religious economy 2. Myanmar-Buddhism 3. Myanmar-Islam




World Affairs: The Journal of International issues,3, 2015: 58-63 ,19 , July-September

In December 1992, this article entitled “Russia–US: Friends, Allies or Rivals” was published by the author in the Journal of International Relations Information of Vietnam’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It soon sank into oblivion, as at the time Russia was in a comprehensive, deep and longterm crisis and moving towards friendlier relations with the US. Everybody thought the world would have a single leader—the US. Today however, the crises in the Ukraine and the risk of Russia–US confrontation—a kind of Cold War—show the relevance of the forecast of twenty-three years ago.

***1. Russia-Foreign relations-USA 2. Russia-Strategic nuclear weapons-USA



36. Shpiro, Shlomo
Soviet Espionage in Israel, 1973–1991

Intelligence and National Security,4, 2015: 486-507 ,30 , August
In June 1967, the Soviet Union abruptly cut off diplomatic relations with Israel and withdrew its embassy staff from Tel-Aviv, including its large KGB Rezidentura. To develop new sources of intelligence in Israel, the KGB recruited under duress hundreds of Russian Jews to spy in Israel in return for allowing their families to leave the Soviet Union. Most of these ‘recruits’ abandoned their task once they reached Israel, leaving Soviet intelligence with only a small number of agents in Israel who were handled by KGB illegal case officers working out of Russian churches. These agents were able to make careers in Israel and obtain some access to confidential military information, but generally failed to reach Israel's inner circle of political and military decision makers. This inner circle was only breached in 1983 by the treachery of a highly placed former Mossad officer who offered his services to the Soviets and became the KGB's best source for secret information deep inside the Israeli government.

***1. Russia-Intelligence service-Israel 2. Russia-Foreign policy-Israel 3. KGB




37. Gabrielyan, Akop
Development, globalisation and the dependency theory in South Caucasia

World Affairs: The Journal of International issues,3, 2015: 108-117 ,19 , July-September
This article reflects on the situation of the three South Caucasian nations, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia and the assets and opportunities they could use to overcome their dependent status as peripheral/semi peripheral states located in the strategically sensitive region between Russia, Iran and Turkey. It also combines the dependency and geopolitical “heartland” theories to alter the self-perception of these three countries.
***1. South Caucasian Countries-Economic relations-Neighbouring Countries 2. South Caucasian Countries-Economy



38. Larsson, Tomas
Monkish Politics in Southeast Asia: Religious disenfranchisement in comparative and theoretical perspective

Modern Asian Studies,1, 2015: 40-82 ,49 , January

In the Theravāda Buddhist polities on the mainland of Southeast Asia, abiding concerns about the proper structuring of the relationship between the ‘two wheels of dhamma’ (i.e. the realm of religion and the realm of politics) have had a profound influence on processes of state formation and political legitimation. This article explores one such religious ‘effect’ on the constitutions and electoral laws of modern Burma/Myanmar, Siam/Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos, namely the official disenfranchisement of Buddhist monks (and, in some instances, Buddhist ‘nuns’ as well as non-Buddhist clergy). The article traces the historical evolution of this Buddhist exception to the democratic principle of equal and universal suffrage, and assesses the extent to which dominant theoretical approaches in the social sciences help us to understand the politics of religious disenfranchisement in Southeast Asia. It finds that neither secularization theory nor the religious-economy approach can explain observed patterns. Instead, the article offers an account of the politics of religious disenfranchisement that emphasizes the role of ideas and historical context.

***1. Southeast Asia-Buddhist politics 2. Southeast Asia-Religious economy 3. Myanmar-Buddhist politics 4. Thailand-Buddhist politics 5. South Asia-Buddhist politics




39. Brown, Bernard E
Ukraine Crisis: Leaning Forward

American Foreign Policy Interests,3, 2015: 132-139 ,37 , May-June

Is the Ukraine crisis a new version of the classic tension between “political idealism” and “political realism”? By returning to the principles of realpolitik espoused by Professor Hans J. Morgenthau, this piece explores the pitfalls and challenges confronting the United States and its allies in Ukraine. In short, to champion “realism” in contrast to “idealism” is simple in principle, but difficult in the practice of diplomacy and international affairs. The practice of diplomacy, like that of politics, is both science and, ultimately, an art. With that in mind, the assertion of strong political will by the American president, leaders of the major member states of the European Union, and the president of the European Commission will be indispensable requirements in mediating any further crisis.

***1. Ukraine-Political idealism 2. USA-Foreign policy-Ukraine 3. Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership




40. Bret, Stephens
What Obama Gets Wrong: No Retreat, No Surrender

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 13-16 ,94 , September/October
***1. USA-Foreign policy 2. Bush administration 3. Obama administration

41. Rose, Gideon
What Obama 
Gets Right: Keep Calm and Carry the Liberal Order On

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 2-12 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy 2. Obama administration 3. Bush administration’s post-9/11


42. Rubio, Marco
Restoring America’s Strength: My Vision for U.S. Foreign Policy

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 108-115 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy 2. Obama administration 3. Ukrainian sovereignty


43. Walle, Nicolas van de
Obama and Africa: Lots of Hope, Not Much Change

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 54-61 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy-Africa 2. USA-Military strategy-Africa 3. USA-Foreign aid-Africa



44. Christensen, Thomas J
Obama and Asia: Confronting the China Challenge

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 28-36 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy-Asia 2. USA-Foreign relations-Japan 3. USA-Foreign relations-China



45. Applebaum, Anne
Obama and Europe: Missed Signals, Renewed Commitments

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 37-44 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy-Europe 2. USA-Foreign relations-Russia



46. Reid, Michael
Obama and Latin America: A Promising Day in the Neighborhood

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 45-53 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy-Latin America 2. China-Foreign investment-Latin America 3. Brazil-Foreign policy-USA 4. USA-Free trade agreement -Latin America



47. Lynch, Marc
Obama and the Middle East: Rightsizing the U.S. Role

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 17-27 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy-Middle East 2. USA-nuclear diplomacy-Iran 3. Israeli-Palestinian peace 4. USA-Military operation-Middle East



48. Fair, C Christine and Ganguly, Sumit
An Unworthy Ally: Time for Washington to Cut Pakistan Loose

Foreign Affairs,5, 2015: 160-170 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-Foreign policy-Pakistan 2. USA-Military aid-Pakistan 3. India-Foreign policy-Pakistan



49. Turek, Lauren Frances
To Support a “Brother in Christ”: Evangelical Groups and U.S.-Guatemalan Relations during the Ríos Montt Regime*

Diplomatic History,4, 2015: 689-719 ,39 , September

After Ríos Montt, an evangelical Christian, seized power in Guatemala in a 1982 military coup, U.S. evangelical missionaries and parachurch organizations supported his regime through public outreach, fundraising, and congressional lobbying. Despite mounting evidence that Ríos Montt’s campaign against Guatemala’s “communist insurgency” involved the mass killing of indigenous Mayans, conservative evangelical groups in the United States argued that the dictator’s Christian faith would compel him to improve the country’s human rights situation. This essay explores the theological beliefs underpinning evangelical support for Ríos Montt and contends that backing from U.S. and Guatemalan evangelicals for his regime and for Reagan administration’s efforts to extend military aid to Guatemala became significant factors shaping relations between the two countries. By placing evangelical involvement in Guatemala in an international context as part of a global evangelistic campaign, this essay reveals how religious nonstate actors shaped U.S. relations with Central America in this period.

***1. USA-Foreign relations-Guatemala 2. Guatemala-Civil war



50. Rabinowitz, Or and Miller, Nicholas L
Keeping the Bombs in the Basement: U.S. Nonproliferation Policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan

International Security,1, 2015: 19-46 ,40 , Summer

How has the United States behaved historically toward friendly states with nuclear weapons ambitions? Recent scholarship has demonstrated the great lengths to which the United States went to prevent Taiwan, South Korea, and West Germany from acquiring nuclear weapons. Yet seemingly on the other side of the ledger are cases such as Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, where the United States failed to prevent proliferation, and where many have argued that the United States made exceptions to its nonproliferation objectives given conflicting geopolitical goals. A reexamination of the history of U.S. nonproliferation policy toward Israel, South Africa, and Pakistan, based on declassified documents and interviews, finds that these cases are not as exceptional as is commonly understood. In each case, the United States sought to prevent these states from acquiring nuclear weapons, despite geopolitical constraints. Moreover, once U.S. policymakers realized that prior efforts had failed, they continued to pursue nonproliferation objectives, brokering deals to prevent

nuclear tests, public declaration of capabilities, weaponization, or transfer of nuclear materials to other states.

***1. USA-Nonproliferation policy-Israel 2. USA-Nonproliferation policy-South Africa 3.USA-Nonproliferation policy-Pakistan


51. Stern, Jessica
Obama and Terrorism: Like It or Not, the War Goes On

Foreign Affairs, 5, 2015: 62-70 ,94 , September/October

***1. USA-War against terrorism 2. USA-Counterterrorism 3. USA-Campaign against al Qaeda 4. USA-Campaign against ISIS



Ahlawat, Dalbir27
Aken, Tucker Van12
Applebaum, Anne45
Bagai, Mithila Urmila2
Bell, Mark S19
Bhat, T P23
Bret, Stephens40
Brown, Bernard E39
Chaturvedy, Rajeev Ranjan24
Christensen, Thomas J44
Cooper, Andrew F20
Fair, C Christine48
Fallon, Theresa11
Farooq, Asif B20
Firth, Stewart16
Friedman, Max Paul32
Gabrielyan, Akop37
Gaffar, Md Abdul29
Ganguly, Rajat25
Ganguly, Sumit48
Garces-Mascarenas, Blanca33
Giry, Stéphanie5
Gopal, Darvesh27
Green, Nile34
Hannan, Kate16
Holt, Blaine D18
Karki, Rohit22
Kazi, Reshmi4
Kim, Ji Young30
Lampton, David M14
Larsson, Tomas38
Levine, Derek6
Lewis, Orion A12
Long, Tom32
Lynch, Marc47
Meijer, Hugo15
Miller, Nicholas L50
Mishra, Manoj Kumar1
Paudel, Lekhnath22
Pinkney, Andrea Marion26
Pitakdumrongkit, Kaewkamol28
Rabinowitz, Or50
Reid, Michael46
Rose, Gideon41
Rubio, Marco42
Sebastian, N3
Shneiderman, Sara21
Shpiro, Shlomo36
Stern, Jessica51
Sun, Degang8
Thomas, Nicholas9
Tillin, Louise21
Turek, Lauren Frances49
Walle, Nicolas van de43
Wang, Hongying10
Watson, Iain31
Young, Stephen M7,17
Zoubir, Yahia H8


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