MEA Library
Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin (October 2015)

Ministry of External Affairs Library
Patiala House
New Delhi

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
(October 2015)

AFGHANISTAN
-COUNTERINSURGENCY

1. Jardine, Eric and Palamar, Simon
Numerous, Capable, and Well-Funded Rebels: Insurgent Military Effectiveness and Deadly Attacks in Afghanistan

Terrorism and Political Violence,4, 2015: 628-656 ,27 , September-October
Why do some of Afghanistan's provinces experience more deadly attacks on counterinsurgents than others? We argue that provinces with more militarily effective insurgents will be deadlier for the forces of the counterinsurgency. We posit that insurgent military effectiveness is an interactive function of the rebel group's size, the quality of its recruits, and the group's operational budget. More militarily effective insurgents should, in turn, produce more deadly violence against Coalition forces. We model this relationship at the provincial level in Afghanistan using negative binomial regressions. Ultimately, we find that in provinces where the insurgency is more militarily effective, deadly attacks against counterinsurgent forces occur more often. Based on this finding, we conclude with directions for future research and policy recommendations for both the current operations in Afghanistan and for future counterinsurgency campaigns.
***1. Afghanistan-Counterinsurgency 2. Afghanistan-Military effectiveness 3. Afghanistan-Taliban

42457

AUSTRALIA
-COUNTERTERRORISM

2. Finnane, Mark
The Munich Olympics Massacre and the Development of Counter-Terrorism in Australia

Intelligence and National Security,6, 2015: 817-836 ,30 , December
Counter-terrorism is a product of government, identifying as its target a kind of violence defined as terrorism. This article explores a particular moment in its development, as an intersection of international, national and bureaucratic responses to the Munich Olympics massacre of 1972. Australian understandings of the development of counter-terrorism have been dominated by a number of themes – principally by the Hilton Bombing of 1978 and the subsequent acceleration of security restructuring during the Fraser years, by the collapse of the Cold War focus of the security and intelligence agencies at the end of the 1980s and then by the ‘war on terror’ following 9/11 and the Bali bombing. Counter-terrorist planning was however an emerging business of government in the 1970s, in Australia as in its alliance partner the United States. While the Hope Royal Commission into intelligence agencies (1974–7) has dominated attention in later accounts of the development of counter-terrorism, a 1972 Interdepartmental Committee on Terrorism and Violence in Australia anticipated many of its concerns. In this developing concern with terrorism, the role and interest of the domestic intelligence agency (ASIO) at this time was limited. This paper contextualizes the Munich massacre as one of the factors shaping a rethinking of security and policing strategies in the early 1970s, a moment in the emergence of a modern government of terrorism.
***1. Australia-Counterterrorism 2. Munich massacre

42451

CAMBODIA
-PEACEBUILDING

3. Lee, Sung Yong
Motivations for local resistance in international peacebuilding

Third World Quarterly,8, 2015: 1437-1452 ,36
This article discusses the complex motivations underlying local resistance to externally led post-war peacebuilding programmes. In examining the land distribution process in post-war Cambodia it proposes a five-part typology of motivations for the resistance that frequently appears in the context of international post-conflict peacebuilding processes. The article also argues that a single campaign of resistance is likely to involve multiple actors with multiple motivations.
***1. Cambodia-Peacebuilding 2. Cambodia-Land distribution

42463

CAUCASUS EMIRATE
-INSURGENCY

4. Campana, Aurélie and Ducol, Benjamin
Voices of the “Caucasus Emirate”: Mapping and Analyzing North Caucasus Insurgency Websites

Terrorism and Political Violence,4, 2015: 679-700 ,27 , September-October
This article looks at Internet use by insurgent groups in the North Caucasus in the context of a regional diffusion of violence. Using a mixed methods research design that combines hyperlink network analysis and micro-discourse analysis, it examines the online characteristics of the Caucasus Emirate and the main frames conveyed by the websites affiliated with the Emirate. It demonstrates the existence of a network of cross-referencing websites that, collectively, articulate the Emirate's political agenda online and allow for the dissemination of frames across the Web. It also shows that while jihadism provides a cultural resource that fosters a global sense of community, the jihadization of discourse does not eradicate local references as the local dynamics of the conflict have a strong impact on online communicative strategies. Finally, although based on a specific case study, this article highlights the potential of a mixed methods research design as applied to an analysis of virtual insurgent networks.
***1. Caucasus Emirate-Insurgency 2. North Caucasus-Jihadism

42458

CHECHNYA
-ASYMMETRIC CONFLICT

5. Souleimanov, Emil A and Aliyev, Huseyn
Asymmetry of Values, Indigenous Forces, and Incumbent Success in Counterinsurgency: Evidence from Chechnya

Journal of Strategic Studies,5, 2015: 678-703 ,38 , August
This article fills the gap in existing scholarship on asymmetric conflict, indigenous forces, and how socio-cultural codes shape the dynamics and outcomes of conflict transformation. Specifically, it identifies three key socio-cultural values commonplace in honorific societies: retaliation, hospitality, and silence. As sources of effective pro-insurgent violent mobilisation and support from among the local population, these values provide insurgents with an asymmetric advantage over much stronger incumbents. Using the case studies of the two Russian counterinsurgencies in Chechnya, the article shows the mechanisms on the ground through which Moscow’s deployment of indigenous forces against insurgents helped to stem the tide of conflict, reversing the insurgents’ initial advantage in terms of asymmetry of values.
***1. Chechnya-Asymmetric Conflict 2. Chechnya-Counterinsurgency

42482

-INSURGENCY

6. Smíd, Tomas and Mares, Miroslav
Kadyrovtsy: Russia’s Counterinsurgency Strategy and the Wars of Paramilitary Clans

Journal of Strategic Studies,5, 2015: 650-677 ,38 , August
This article analyses the steps taken by the Russian government, with the aid of a powerful local clan, the so-called Kadyrovtsy, to subdue the Chechen insurgency. It highlights the strategy used by Russia, under whose patronage former anti-Russian guerrilla fighters were transformed into paramilitary allies of the Russian government; later these former insurgents were incorporated into the regular Russian army and other state security forces. The article also identifies problems that are connected with the activities of the Kadyrovtsy in Chechnya and Russia, and the spillover into the diaspora; it also contextualises the issues faced by the contemporary Chechen ruling clan and the geopolitics of the Caucasus within the research framework of paramilitarism and counterinsurgency.
***1. Chechnya-Insurgency 2. Russia-Counterinsurgency Strategy-Chechnya

42497


CHINA
-ECONOMIC GRWOTH

7. Zhang, Yongjin
China and the Struggle for Legitimacy of a Rising Power

The Chinese Journal of International Politics,3, 2015: 301-322 ,8 , Autumn
This article critically explores the historical transformation of the normative structure of international order brought about by legitimacy contests, and unpacks how power is deeply implicated in legitimacy claims amid the ongoing normative transformation of contemporary international society by virtue of the vanishing American unipolarity. By situating the analytical concept of legitimacy at the centre of this inquiry, it examines China’s attempts to win and command social acceptance of the legitimacy of its rising power as it confronts the challenges posed by the changing normative structure of contemporary international society. The struggle for legitimacy of a rising power, it argues, provides an alternative analytical framework within which to understand how rising Chinese power contests and is contested by the liberal global order dominated by the United States, a question that has fascinated and consumed many realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars. China’s engagement with the politics of legitimation is central to China’s peaceful rise. A careful examination of China’s struggle for legitimacy can yield insights into important systemic consequences of the transformation of the normative structure of international society.
***1. China-Economic grwoth 2. China-Foreign relations-USA 3. China-Legitimization staregy

42456

-FOREIGN POLICY

8. Jin, Xu and Zheyuan, Du
The Dominant Thinking Sets in Chinese Foreign Policy Research: A Criticism

The Chinese Journal of International Politics,3, 2015: 251-279 ,8 , Autumn
‘Thinking sets’ refer to particular aspects of knowledge, or ideas, which upon accumulation and dissemination are institutionalized as a means of understanding a phenomenon or actor, and which enable the understanding of its internal logic or the thinking which guides its behaviour, its content, and its expectations and preferences. Since the 1990s, a number of dominant thinking sets have emerged within Chinese foreign policy research circles, including: keeping a low profile, non-alignment, never taking the lead, China will not become a superpower, priority to Sino–US relations, and diplomacy serving economic development. For many years, these thinking sets helped our understanding of the objectives and trends of China’s foreign policy. In more recent years, as Chinese foreign policy has adapted, it is now important to reflect upon and discuss the direction in which these thinking sets might evolve. In particular, how Chinese foreign policy analysts should understand the relationship between Deng Xiaoping’s ‘28 character guidelines for foreign policy’ and the spirit of the 2013 Working Conference on Neighbouring State Diplomacy and, more specifically, the relationship between ‘keeping a low profile’ and ‘striving for achievement’, will determine the ongoing relevance of these thinking sets.
***1. China-Foreign policy 2. China-Economic development 3. China-Neighbouring state diplomacy

42455

-FOREIGN POLICY-USA

9. Harris, Peter
The Imminent US Strategic Adjustment to China

The Chinese Journal of International Politics,3, 2015: 219-250 ,8 , Autumn
How can leaders in the United States and China ensure that future relations between their two countries are marked by peaceful cooperation and not conflict over the organization of world politics? Whereas most scholarly writing on the topic of China’s ‘peaceful rise’ has dwelt upon the ways and means by which Chinese leaders can steer their ship of state towards harmonious relations with the outside world, this article attempts to shift the focus onto foreign policy-making by


the United States. The argument is that established states preside over a range of options when it comes to deciding how to respond to rising states during periods of shifting power and how they choose to adjust to an adverse alteration in relative power has dramatic consequences for the subsequent evolution of any given power-transitional dyad and, by extension, for the course of world politics more broadly. The author provides a conceptual framing of this function for established great powers during episodes of shifting power and seeks to elucidate in particular the domestic–political components of the role. The primary policy implication is to suggest that decision makers in the United States ought to be ready—much more ready than they currently are—to assume a hefty slice of responsibility for the ensuing power transition with China that most observers anticipate to be in the offing.
***1. China-Foreign policy-USA 2. China-Strategic relations-USA 3. China-Foreign relations-USA
42454

-FOREIGN RELATIONS-GERMANY

10. Glang, Nele Friederike
Germany and Chongqing: Secret Communication during WWII

Intelligence and National Security,6, 2015: 871-889 ,30 , December
The currently accepted narrative regarding WWII in China suggests that Nationalist China and the Third Reich had no diplomatic connections after their official break of diplomatic relations in July 1941. Based on archival material from Germany, China and Taiwan, this article challenges this narrative. As I hope to demonstrate, communications between Germany and China continued well after July 1941 through back channels. From Switzerland, Chinese agents maintained connections with the German party intelligence service (RSHA), and Germany acted as a mediator between China and Japan. It is the role that intelligence personnel played in maintaining this communication channel and their role in clandestine Sino-German relations, which form the foundation of this paper.
***1. China-Foreign relations-Germany 2. China-Foreign relations-Japan 3. German party intelligence service

42452

-GEOPOLITICS

11. Dreyer, June Teufel
The Rise of China and the Geopolitics of East Asia

Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,4, 2015: 518-529 ,59 , Fall
The assertive actions China has taken to press its claims in the East China and South China seas since 2010 indicate that its leadership has decided that the time has come to end Deng Xiaoping's advice to “hide [the country's capabilities] and bide [its time].” Beijing has combined economic incentives and sanctions with small but incrementally meaningful military pressures. Efforts by neighboring states to form a countervailing coalition have thus far proved ineffective. Beijing's tactics have been stunningly successful, though there are financial, structural, and resource weaknesses within China that indicate that the effort to assert control over the area will remain unrealized.
***1. China-Geopolitics 2. China-Economic incentives 3. China-Defence policy 4. China-Foreign policy-USA

42469

COLOMBIA
-LAND OWNERSHIP

12. Latorre, Sergio
The making of land ownership: land titling in rural Colombia – a reply to Hernando de Soto

Third World Quarterly,8, 2015: 1546-1569 ,36
Hernando de Soto’s best-selling book The Mystery of Capital argues that economically disadvantaged countries lack institutional arrangements that can spur economic development and capital growth. This article questions de Soto’s institutional economist account. It draws on a 14-month ethnographic study performed at two rural field sites in Colombia and in the central government office responsible for promoting land programmes designed to improve the living conditions of rural communities. This study, which focuses on the daily practices of public officials and rural campesinos, suggests the importance of the title document, and in particular the public deed, for land ownership. It describes the process by which landownership is created by the issuance of the land title document and highlights some important elements and untended consequences that are often neglected in this process of making land a legal and economic asset.
***1. Colombia-Land ownership 2. Colombia-Rural communities 3. Hernando de Soto

42465

EUROPE
-GEOPOLITICS

13. Grygiel, Jakub
The Geopolitics of Europe: Europe's Illusions and Delusions

Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,4, 2015: 505-517 ,59 , Fall
This article contends that “Europe” is a term that describes a geographic reality that aspires to be a political one. Specifically, it highlights the illusions of unity and the delusions of international harmony that permeate Europe's politics today. It concludes by suggesting that the threat that Russia is presenting most immediately in Ukraine but more broadly to Europe as a whole is extremely serious and will alter in some form, hopefully positive, the European continent.
***1. Europe-Geopolitics 2. Europe-Russian threat

42468

-POLITICAL COOPERATION

14. Andre, Audrey, Bradbury, Jonathan and Depauw, Sam
Explaining Cooperation over Casework between Members of National and Regional Parliaments

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 665-689 ,68 , October
Dealing with constituent inquiries has long been a central component of political representation. Increasingly responsibilities for public policy are either divided or shared between regional and national legislatures and constituents frequently misdirect their inquiries. This article demonstrates how demand and supply factors determine the extent to which regional and national legislators across seven European democracies redirect inquiries on matters outside their jurisdiction, as well as the party to which they are forwarded. The choices they make have important consequences for our understanding of political representation in multi-level democracies; they may also matter to the quality of service responsiveness.
***1. Europe-Political cooperation 2. Europe-Multi-level democracies 3. Europe-National and regional parliaments

42488

INDIA
-GENERAL ELECTION 2014

15. Auerbach, Adam Michael
India's urban constituencies revisited

Contemporary South Asia,2, 2015: 136-150 ,23 , June
This article examines patterns of voter turnout and electoral competition in India's urban parliamentary constituencies. It places the 2014 Lok Sabha elections in historical context, drawing on constituency-level data from national elections since 1977 to explore broad changes and continuities in electoral competition, party structures, and voter turnout, with particular focus on comparisons between urban and rural India. The purpose of the article is descriptive, seeking to fill a gap in the literature on electoral competition in urban India. I find evidence that India's urban constituencies have recently, on average, been less competitive and participatory than non-urban constituencies, though this has not been a consistent trend since the mid-1970s. This article concludes with a brief outline for a research agenda on electoral politics in urban India.
***1. India-general election 2014 2. India-Politics and government 3. India-Political parties 4. India-Urban politics

42447

16. Heath, Oliver
The BJP's return to power: mobilisation, conversion and vote swing in the 2014 Indian elections

Contemporary South Asia,2, 2015: 123-135 ,23 , June
Using constituency-level data, the article examines the BJP's vote swing at the State and Constituency level in India. Drawing on theories of electoral realignment, I examine the BJP's performance at the constituency level and investigate the extent to which the party drew voters from other parties (particularly Congress), mobilised new voters (via increased turnout), and appealed to the newly enfranchised (via increases in the size of the electoral roll). The results of the analysis show that the key to the BJP's success was its ability to mobilise new voters in places where it had previously not fared so well.
***1. India-General election 2014 2. India-Politics and government 3. India-Political parties 4. India-Bharatiya Janata Party

42446
17. Jaffrelota, Christophe
The Modi-centric BJP 2014 election campaign: new techniques and old tactics

Contemporary South Asia,2, 2015: 151-166 ,23 , June
The 2014 election campaign of the BJP was unprecedented not only because, for the first time, a Chief Minister was the prime ministerial candidate of one of the national parties in the fray and tried to promote his state achievements in terms of development across the nation, but also because the party relied on the personality of its leader more than any other party since the Congress under Indira Gandhi. Narendra Modi broke with the BJP's collegial tradition in several ways. He marginalised party veterans, short circuited the BJP apparatus to use a parallel support structure, and resorted to new techniques of communication that saturated the public space. However, these innovations were superimposed on older themes which had sometimes not been used by the BJP itself before, but by others – like caste politics or corruption. Modi's BJP also fell back on some alliances with other parties, the old RSS network, and revisited Hindutva politics to such an extent that ‘development' was definitely not the only theme of the Modi campaign.
***1. India-General election 2014 2. India-Politics and government 3. India-Political parties 4. India-Electoral campaign

42448

18. Tillin, Louise
Regional resilience and national party system change: India's 2014 general elections in context

Contemporary South Asia,2, 2015: 181-197 ,23 , June
For the first time in 30 years, a single national party has won a majority on its own in the Indian parliament, and does not depend on the support of regional party allies for a parliamentary majority. Yet it is too soon to pronounce the decline or marginalisation of regional parties in India's national political life. The aggregate performance of regional parties remained resilient in the 2014 elections, even marginally improving over 2009. This article considers whether the 2014 elections mark a critical break in the position of regional parties at the national level. The principal argument is that


the 2014 elections do not reflect a fundamental alteration in the dynamics of political regionalisation. Rather they suggest a new phase in the impact of regionalisation on the party system at the national level. In a landscape of continually increasing voter choice, electoral outcomes at the national level have begun to narrow to favour a smaller range of parties since 2004. The number of parties able to achieve influence via participation in cabinet governance or coalition has begun to decline. Political fragmentation has not gone away, but its consequences for election outcomes have changed.
***1. India-General election 2014 2. India-Politics and government 3. India-Political parties 4. India-Regional political parties
42449

-MILITARY

19. Ladwig III, Walter C
Indian Military Modernization and Conventional Deterrence in South Asia

Journal of Strategic Studies,5, 2015: 729-772 ,38 , August
In recent years, headline grabbing increases in the Indian defense budget have raised concerns that India’s on-going military modernization threatens to upset the delicate conventional military balance vis-à-vis Pakistan. Such an eventuality is taken as justification for Islamabad’s pursuit of tactical-nuclear weapons and other actions that have worrisome implications for strategic stability on the subcontinent. This article examines the prospects for Pakistan’s conventional deterrence in the near to medium term, and concludes that it is much better than the pessimists allege. A host of factors, including terrain, the favorable deployment of Pakistani forces, and a lack of strategic surprise in the most likely conflict scenarios, will mitigate whatever advantages India may be gaining through military modernization. Despite a growing technological edge in some areas, Indian policymakers cannot be confident that even a limited resort to military force would achieve a rapid result, which is an essential pre-condition for deterrence failure.
***1. India-Military 2. India-Tactical nuclear weapons 3. India-Military modernization

42498

IRELAND

-DEMOCARCY

20. Wilford, Rick
Two Cheers for Consociational Democracy? Reforming the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 757-774 ,68 , October
This article discusses the attempts to reform the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive by the former's Assembly and Executive Review Committee. It situates the Committee's review of the Belfast Agreement's Strand One institutions within the context both of prior proposals to effect reform and the constraints, institutional and behavioural, created by Northern Ireland's model of consociational democracy.
***1. Ireland-Democarcy 2. Ireland-Government committee

42492

-POLITICAL PRISONERS

21. Brewer, John D and Hayes, Bernadette C
Victimisation and Attitudes Towards Former Political Prisoners in Northern Ireland

Terrorism and Political Violence,4, 2015: 741-761 ,27 , September-October
The release of ex-combatants and the mechanisms for their re-integration within society has become an increasingly controversial issue in peace settlements. Yet to date, the view of victims concerning such arrangements in post-conflict societies remains unexplored. Mindful of this omission and using Northern Ireland as a case study, this article investigates the relationship between victimisation and attitudes towards the treatment of former political prisoners. Based on

the 2011 Northern Ireland Social and Political Attitudes Survey, the results suggest that individual victims—those who directly and/or indirectly experienced violent incidents—are notably less supportive of a punitive approach towards the treatment of former political prisoners than non-victims. Moreover, this is particularly the case when victims from within the Catholic community are considered. The Northern Ireland evidence suggests that victims can act as a positive and inclusive force in terms of the rehabilitation and re-integration of former combatants in societies emerging from conflict.
***1. Ireland-Political prisoners 2. Nothern Ireland-Peace settlements
42461

-REFERENDUM ELECTIONS

22. Suiter, Jane and Reidy, Theresa
It's the Campaign Learning Stupid: An Examination of a Volatile Irish Referendum

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 182-202 ,68 , January
The growth in the use of referendums to make major political decisions internationally has brought renewed interest in the factors which underpin voting behaviour at these types of elections. Referendums vary from traditional political contests, in that they are usually focused on a single issue, the dynamics of political party interaction can diverge from national and local elections, non-political actors may often have a prominent role in the campaign and voters may or may not have strong, clear views on the issue being decided. The LeDuc (2002, European Journal of Political Research, 41, 711–732) framework classifies referendums along a spectrum from stable to volatile. This case study is focused on the volatile end of the spectrum and will consider the Parliamentary (Oireachtas) Inquiries (OI) referendum in the Republic of Ireland. The OI referendum was defeated by a narrow margin and the campaign period witnessed a sharp fall in support for the proposal. This work employs two models of voting behaviour to understand the OI campaign, campaign learning and rational voting. Consistent with expectations for volatile referendums, the analysis shows that voters relied significantly on heuristics or shortcuts emanating from the campaign and to a lesser extent on either media campaigns or rational knowledge.
***1. Ireland-Referendum elections 2. Ireland-Parliamentary inquiries 3. Irish Referendum

42486

KOSOVO
-PARLIAMENT

23. Roter, Petra and Fenko, Ana Bojinovic
Parliamentarisation in a Post-Conflict Context: The Kosovo Assembly Support Initiative

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 775-793 ,68 , October
The purpose of this article is to analyse collaboration in the process of post-conflict reconstruction in Kosovo. Based on extensive empirical research, we focus on the parliamentarisation in Kosovo in the context of a multi-stakeholder partnership (MSP). We investigate the creation, operation and effects of co-operation within an MSP called the Kosovo Assembly Support Initiative (ASI). This MSP is relevant for the study of parliamentary affairs because of its goals to help in the creation of a functioning national parliament, but also because several other national parliaments contributed to this goal within the broader post-conflict peace-building in Kosovo.
***1. Kosovo-Parliament 2. Kosovo-Democracy 3. Kosovo assembly support initiative

42493

MAURITIUS
-ETHNICITY

24. Hirschmann, David
‘Rendering’ Ethnicity in the Mauritius National Assembly: Continuities and Codes

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 647-664 ,68 , October
The focus of this paper is a debate in the Mauritius National Assembly concerning a proposed autonomous revenue authority. The purpose is to apply and build on a selection of a few key contributions to the literature on ‘representation’, more so those focused on rendering. Works of Pitkin (1967, The Concept of Representation, University of California Press: Berkeley), Hall (1997, The Work of Representation, Sage and The Open University: London, pp. 13–74), Mansbridge (2003, American Political Science Review, 97, 515–528), Saward (2005, Governance and the Transformation of Political Representation, Policy Press University of Bristol: Bristol, UK, pp. 179–196; 2009, The Journal of Political Philosophy, 17, 1–22; 2010, The Representative Claim, Oxford University Press: Oxford; 2011, The Wider Canvas: Representation and Democracy in State and Society, University of Cambridge Press: Cambridge, pp. 74–95) and Piscopo (2011, Parliamentary Affairs, 63, 448–472) are discussed. It illustrates the interaction between changing scholarly constructs of representation and rendering and a fuller comprehension of practice. Furthermore, it seeks to add new insights that arise from this case relating mainly to continuities and codes.
***1. Mauritius-Ethnicity 2. Mauritius-National Assembly

42487

MIDDLE EAST
-GEOPOLITICS

25. Garfinkle, Adam
The Geopolitical Frame in the Contemporary Middle East

Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,4, 2015: 530-540 ,59 , Fall
The geopolitical frame is a necessary but insufficient means to understand the contemporary Middle East. Defining the term in its original, fairly narrow, way puts the analytical spotlight on the Westphalian units—namely, states—that compose the classical modern international system. But those states’ lack of decisional agency is itself at the core of the region's instability. As for the region, its troubles are likely to persist for some time. Outsiders cannot fix it; at best, if they are skillful and lucky, they can contain it.
***1. Middle East-Geopolitics 2. USA-Foreign policy-Middle East 3. Middle East-Islamic State

42470

MYANMAR
-INSURGENCY

26. Dukalskisa, Alexander
Why Do Some Insurgent Groups Agree to Cease-Fires While Others Do Not? A Within-Case Analysis of Burma/Myanmar, 1948–2011

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism,10, 2015: 841-863 ,38 , October
This article uses Burma/Myanmar from 1948 to 2011 as a within-case context to explore why some armed insurgent groups agree to cease-fires while others do not. Analyzing 33 armed groups it finds that longer-lived groups were less likely to agree to cease-fires with the military government between 1989 and 2011. The article uses this within-case variation to understand what characteristics would make an insurgent group more or less likely to agree to a cease-fire. The article identifies four armed groups for more in-depth qualitative analysis to understand the roles of the administration of territory, ideology, and legacies of distrust with the state as drivers of the decision to agree to or reject a cease-fire.
***1. Myanmar-Insurgency 2. Myanmar-Cease fire 3. Myanmar-Armed conflict

42476

NEW ZEALAND

-GOVERNMENT

27. Duncan, Grant
New Zealand's Cabinet Manual: How Does It Shape Constitutional Conventions?

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 737-756 ,68 , October
The New Zealand Cabinet Manual is regarded as an authoritative guide to the conduct of the executive in that country, and it is now a public document accessible online. A similar Manual has been adopted in the UK, but these documents raise questions about the consequences of creating an authoritative written version of constitutional convention. For instance, could a Cabinet Manual prevent constitutional change or lead to biased understandings of conventions? Could the content of a Cabinet Manual have a decisive effect on judicial review? The present article examines the experience surrounding the New Zealand Cabinet Manual in order to address some of the critical questions that parliamentarians and academics have raised about the possible effects of such documents upon constitutional conventions. While the New Zealand Cabinet Manual is supposed not to affect constitutional convention, it has nonetheless helped to shape it.
***1. New Zealand-Government 2. New Zealand-Minority government

42491

RUSSIA
-ENERGY INFRASTRUCTURE

28. Haines, John R
The Geopolitics of Russia's Networked Energy Infrastructure

Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,4, 2015: 557-599 ,59 , Fall
***1. Russia-Energy infrastructure 2. Russia-Gas war-Ukraine 3. Russia-Border relations-EU 4. Bulgaria-Shale gas

42472

-MILITARY INNOVATION

29. Bukkvoll, Tor
Military Innovation Under Authoritarian Government – the Case of Russian Special Operations Forces

Journal of Strategic Studies,5, 2015: 602-625 ,38 , August
Russian Special Forces saw significant changes to both organization and doctrine in the years after 2008. The special forces of the General Staff’s Main Intelligence Directorate were reduced in number, the organization’s institutional autonomy and rationale were changed, and an entirely new Special Operations Command was established in March 2013. This article seeks to assess the nature, scope and purpose of these changes, and to explain them by drawing on scholarship on military innovation. In particular, the article looks at military innovation in the context of a non-democratic political regime.
***1. Russia-Military innovation 2. Russia-Special operations forces

42495

SIERRA LEONE
-PEACEBUILDING

30. Datzberger, Simone
Peace building and the depoliticisation of civil society: Sierra Leone 2002–13

Third World Quarterly,8, 2015: 1592-1609 ,36
Over the past two decades there has been a rapid increase in funds for local civil society actors in fragile states. Current peace-building and development efforts strive for the recreation of a vibrant, active and ‘liberal’ civil society. In the case of Sierra Leone, paradoxically, this growing support has not strengthened civil society actors based on that liberal idea(l). Instead of experiencing enhanced proactive participation stemming from the civil sphere, Sierra Leone’s civil society appears to be largely depoliticised. Drawing on empirical data gathered over the past four years, this article offers three interrelated causal explanations of why this phenomenon occurred during the country’s peace-building phase from 2002 to 2013. First, Sierra Leone’s civil society landscape has become instrumentalised to serve a broader liberal peace-building and development agenda in several ways.

Second, Western idea(l)s of participatory approaches and democracy are repeatedly challenged by the legacies of colonial rule and socially entrenched forms of neo-patrimonialism. Third, abject poverty and the lack of education affect activism and agency from below.
***1. Sierra Leone-Peacebuilding 2. Sierra Leone-Civil society
42467

SOUTH AFRICA
-BUREAUCRATIC POLITICS

31. Lodge, Tom
The politics of HIV/AIDS in South Africa: government action and public response

Third World Quarterly,8, 2015: 1570-1591 ,36
A decade ago it seemed likely that African governments would be destabilised by the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. This article tests some of the presumptions in such forecasting with an examination of the South African case. It begins with an assessment of the effects on the public health system of the South African government’s efforts to cope with the illness. Efforts to implement universal treatment of people who are HIV-positive appear to have strengthened government, while the costs have been affordable. The efforts have extended the embrace of the public health system and prompted the engagement of civil society in policy formation and implementation. Survey evidence suggests that the government has gained public approval and that its health service delivery has become more socially accountable. Civil protest to engender political reforms in the treatment of AIDS patients has enhanced the role of constitutional checks on executive authority.
***1. South Africa-Bureaucratic politics 2. South Africa-Diseases and medicince

42466

SYRIA
-MILITARY

32. Nassif, Hicham Bou
Second-Class: The Grievances of Sunni Officers in the Syrian Armed Forces

Journal of Strategic Studies,5, 2015: 626-649 ,38 , August
The defection of a significant number of Sunni officers amidst the ongoing turmoil in Syria created a unique opportunity to get access to original data on the Syrian armed forces. This study draws on extensive fieldwork to probe the sectarian question in the Syrian officer corps. On the basis of a series of interviews conducted throughout the summer of 2014, I investigate the politics and consequences of sectarian stacking in the Syrian military as well as the root causes of Sunni officers’ grievances and alienation. My conclusions draw on an original database that compiles the sectarian affiliations of 81 prominent officers who occupied the most senior military positions under Bashar al-Asad.
***1. Syria-Military 2. Syria-Sunni military officers

42496

TERRORISM

33. Asal, Victor and Hastings, Justin V
When Terrorism Goes to Sea: Terrorist Organizations and the Move to Maritime Targets

Terrorism and Political Violence,4, 2015: 722-740 ,27 , September-October
Terrorist groups are often relatively conservative in their choice of strategy, tactics, and targets, and it is worth asking what characteristics are associated with unconventional behavior. In this article we explore the question of why terrorist organizations move to one type of unconventional attack that has been a focus of concern of policymakers in recent years, namely attacks on maritime targets. Through an investigation of the organizational capacity and ideology of terrorist groups that committed maritime attacks between 1998 and 2005, we argue that this kind of violent behavior is driven by capability. Certain organizational characteristics of terrorist groups—territorial control,


involvement in the drug trade, organizational size, and connections with other groups—provide groups with the capabilities that make maritime attacks both realistic and desirable. Terrorist groups' ideology—what they believe, and what their goals are—does not have the same impact, with the possible exception of groups affiliated with al-Qaeda. Our findings have implications for future research.
***1. Terrorism 2. Maritime terrorism 3. Al-Qaeda
42460


34. Dorsch, Christian
A New Barometer for the Evolution of Multilateral Counterterrorism: Introduction to the Materials, Methods, and Results of the UN Security Council and Terrorism Dataset (UNSC-TDS)

Terrorism and Political Violence,4, 2015: 701-721 ,27 , September-October
There is a general tendency among analysts to treat the activity of the United Nations Security Council as a barometer for measuring the evolution of global security issues. However, despite the Council's central role in multilateral counterterrorism since 9/11, there exists no comprehensive and coherent empirical measurement of its activity on terrorism. This research gap has resulted in contradictory assessments concerning the beginning, the regularity, and the consistency of the Council's activity on terrorism. In an effort to introduce more academic rigor to terrorism studies, researchers need to systematically address this deficit. This article makes a fundamental contribution by introducing a new dataset, the UN Security Council and Terrorism Dataset. It outlines the problems of previously available data and specifies the materials and methods used for the creation of the dataset. It continues by presenting key results from this unprecedented data collection effort and illustrates general trends in the Council's activity on terrorism. Based on this extensive empirical research, it finds that the UN Security Council's activity on terrorism has evolved more regularly and consistently since 1946 than previously thought. This conclusion indicates new directions for future research.
***1. Terrorism 2. Multilateral counterterrorism 3. UN Security Council and Terrorism Dataset 4. UNSC-TDS

42459

THIRD WORLD
-DIPLOMACY

35. Gilleya, Bruce
The challenge of the creative Third World

Third World Quarterly,8, 2015: 1405-1420 ,36
This article is a contribution to recent literature on the shape of the polycentric world order. It argues that the Third World remains a valid concept for describing the interests and ideas that shape the foreign policies of many key non-Western states. However, the Third World has changed in a fundamental way. The article describes the historical emergence and contemporary manifestations of a ‘creative’ Third World in contrast to the ‘protest’ Third World of the past. It describes the nature of this shift and how it is reshaping Western leadership. It argues that the main challenge for the West is to create a coherent pluralism in international order that embraces this creative Third World.
***1. Third World-Diplomacy 2. Third World-Leadership 3. South-South cooperation 4. Global governance

42462

UGANDA
-ANTI-HOMOSEXUALITY LAW

36. Johnson, Paul
Making Unjust Law: The Parliament of Uganda and the Anti-Homosexuality Act 2014

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 709-736 ,68 , October
This article provides a critical analysis of the Anti-Homosexuality Act (AHA) 2014 and the process by which it was enacted by the Parliament of Uganda. Drawing on Hansard (the Official Report), as well as other parliamentary documents, I examine how the legislation was shaped and formed during its parliamentary passage. I argue that, as a result of flawed scrutiny and insufficient debate, as well as procedural irregularities, Parliament enacted a statute that is not only unjust but also often ambiguous, incoherent or redundant in the context of Ugandan law. I conclude by suggesting that close scrutiny of the parliamentary process can provide a means of questioning and challenging the legitimacy of the legislation and the Parliament that made it. This is important in light of the nullification of the AHA 2014 by the Constitutional Court of Uganda and the strong potential for parliamentary supporters of the legislation to seek to revive or re-enact it in the future.
***1. Uganda-Anti-homosexuality law 2. Uganda-Anti-homosexuality act 2014

42490

UK
-HINDUISM

37. Andersona, Edward
‘Neo-Hindutva’: the Asia House M. F. Husain campaign and the mainstreaming of Hindu nationalist rhetoric in Britain

Contemporary South Asia,1, 2015: 45-66 ,23 , March
This paper re-evaluates certain core understandings of Hindu nationalism in Britain through the analysis of a disputed 2006 art exhibition in London. It considers the two main protagonists objecting to the M. F. Husain show: the representative umbrella organisation, the Hindu Forum of Britain, and the web- and protest-based group, Hindu Human Rights. In particular, the paper considers the relationship between these groups, the government, and the Hindu nationalist movement in India. The central role played by performative tropes of outrage and offence in the public representation of Hinduism is explored. It is argued that a reconceptualisation of diasporic Hindutva is required. Firstly, whilst still connected to India in various ways, Hindu nationalism in Britain has outgrown the institutional and ideological boundaries of the Sangh Parivar. It is proposed that these idiosyncratic inflections of transnational Hindutva might be termed ‘neo-Hindutva’. Secondly, it is suggested that the M. F. Husain protests, and subsequent activities of the Hindu Forum, indicate that Hindutva has become mainstreamed and normalised in the UK. Whilst elements of this narrative are distinctly domestic, we must also understand the transnational context which is intrinsically linked, discursively and practically, to India.
***1. UK-Hinduism 2. India-Hinduism 3. India-Hindu nationalist movement 4. Hindu Forum of Britain

42445

-INTELLIGENCE SERVICE-SOVIET

38. Bock, Ryan E
Anglo-Soviet Intelligence Cooperation, 1941–45: Normative Insights from the Dyadic Democratic Peace Literature

Intelligence and National Security,6, 2015: 890-912 ,30 , December
This article leverages normative insights from the dyadic democratic peace literature to assess whether the configuration of regime types within an intelligence alliance can shape the depth of cooperation between its members. The Anglo-Soviet intelligence alliance (1941–45) is considered as an initial plausibility probe of this argument. Evidence is found to support the premise that cooperation between the intelligence services of a democracy and an autocracy is constrained by the absence of the democratic norms of bounded uncertainty and contingent consent. The article concludes with recommendations on how future scholarship can further explore the relationship between regime type and the depth of international intelligence cooperation.
***1. UK-Intelligence service-Soviet 2. UK-Intelligence relations-Soviet 3. UK-Bilateral intelligence exchange-Soviet

42453

-POLICE INTELLIGENCE

39. Boninoa, Stefano and Kaoullasb, Lambros George
Preventing Political Violence in Britain: An Evaluation of over Forty Years of Undercover Policing of Political Groups Involved in Protest

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism,10, 2015: 814-840 ,38 , October
This article offers a first academic evaluation of the Special Demonstration Squad and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit, two British undercover police units working for the Metropolitan Police Service at different times between 1968 and 2011. It provides a historical overview of their infiltration of political groups involved in protest for the purpose of gathering criminal and political intelligence aimed at preventing violence, public disorder, and subversion. It discusses the controversies surrounding these units, and the related institutional responses, and offers an attempt at understanding their operations within the remit of intelligence-led policing and against a political culture that prioritizes action over inaction in reducing risks and threats to the State and society.
***1. UK-Police intelligence 2. UK-Political violence 3. UK-Special demonstration squad

42475

-POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT

40. Bale, Tim
If Opposition is an Art, is Ed Miliband an Artist? A Framework for Evaluating Leaders of the Opposition

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 58-76 ,68 , January
Leading a party which has lost office and is seeking to regain it is no easy task. Nor is judging how well the man or woman charged with that task is doing the job: while political scientists have developed criteria for evaluating prime ministers, there is less work on leaders of the opposition. This article uses historical work which looks at those opposition parties that have successfully recovered power and derives from it criteria with which to measure the performance of leaders of the opposition. When applied to the leader of the Labour Party since 2010, it suggests that he has done a better job than his critics argue.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Political parties

42481

41. Buller, Jim and James, Toby S
Integrating Structural Context into the Assessment of Political Leadership: Philosophical Realism, Gordon Brown and the Great Financial Crisis

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 77-96 ,68 , January
How should we assess the performance of political leaders? As many scholars note, it is important to take into account the structural context politicians govern when appraising their record in office. However, many existing approaches used to assess political leaders have not integrated a notion of structure into their research in an explicit or detailed way. This article tries to respond to this gap by first discussing a range of issues involved in undertaking such an exercise. It highlights not only the significance of incorporating structure, but structural change into leadership studies. The article goes on to develop a theoretical account of structural change utilising philosophical realism, before briefly applying it to the case of Gordon Brown's tenure during the global financial crisis. It concludes by suggesting that, understood through the lens of philosophical realism, the crisis posed a particularly difficult and challenging set of circumstances for Brown and his response to them should be given more credit than it has so far received.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Political parties 3. UK-Economy

42483

42. Campbell, Rosie and Lovenduski, Joni
What Should MPs Do? Public and Parliamentarians' Views Compared

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 690-708 ,68 , October
The notion that voters are demanding ever more constituency activity from their MPs is now a widely-accepted tenet of British politics. There is a great deal of survey work demonstrating that voters place a high priority on constituency connections of all kinds, but we know less about how voters' priorities compare with MPs' ranking of constituency work against competing aspects of their role. In this article we compare matched surveys of voters and MPs and establish that there is less difference between the priorities they give to constituency versus other activity than we might expect.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Member of parliament 3. UK-Liberal democrat MPs

42489

43. Chaney, Paul
Manifesto Discourse and the Substantive Representation of Ethnic Minorities: Analysis of UK State-Wide and Meso Elections, 1964–2011

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 154-181 ,68 , January
Using mixed methods this paper explores issue salience and the policy framing associated with the substantive representation of ethnic minorities. Its focus is party programmes in Westminster (1964–2010) and Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish elections (1998–2011). The analysis reveals a significant increase in issue salience driven by parties of the Left. This applies to both state-wide and meso-elections, thereby providing evidence of political reprioritisation in the wake of ethnic minority activism in the 1970s and 1980s. At the meso-level new political opportunity structures are shown to be leading to the territorialisation of policy. However, the analysis also reveals significant shortcomings, including parties' failure to adopt a systematic approach consistent with the post-1997 discourse on mainstreaming.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Political parties 3. UK-Meso elections

42485

44. Faucher, Florence
Leadership Elections: What is at Stake for Parties? A Comparison of the British Labour Party and the Parti Socialiste

Parliamentary Affairs,4, 2015: 794-820 ,68 , October
In recent decades many European political parties have broadened the selectorate for the party leadership, often clashing in so doing with their own tradition of decision-making. The article argues that in order to understand what is at stake in the staging of these contests we need to go beyond the classic literature on party change and party organisation and recast such reform through an anthropological lens. We can then explore how rules, practices and narratives constrain internal competition whilst retaining a focus on their strategic use by actors. Rather than see such reform as inspired by a search for organisational efficacy, this approach suggests that we consider leadership selection as a ritual. The conjecture is explored further and developed by comparing the 2010 Labour leadership election and the 2011 Socialist presidential primary.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. British Labour Party 3. UK-Election

42494

45. Gamble, Andrew
Austerity as Statecraft

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 42-57 ,68 , January
After 2010 George Osborne put deficit reduction and control of debt at the centre of his economic strategy, announcing a much more radical fiscal retrenchment than the plan inherited from Alastair Darling. The key reason for this was political. Osborne sought to redefine the terms of the debate on economic policy, enabling the Coalition to blame the recession on Labour and to create a new narrative to bolster its claim to economic competence. He failed to achieve his fiscal targets, but his statecraft was highly successful, allowing him to claim the credit when recovery finally started in 2014.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Economic policy

42480

46. James, Toby S and Buller, Jim
Assessing Political Leadership in Context: British Party Leadership During Austerity

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 1-3 ,68 , January
Political leaders worldwide have been facing challenging times. The Great Financial Crisis of 2007–2008 is considered by many economists to have been the worst since at least the Great Depression (Krugman, 2012). It led to many leaders having to campaign for (re)election and govern with significant public deficits, stagnant growth and public unrest. Electoral support and membership of the main political parties has been in long-term decline in many democracies. There is also frequent public cynicism about politics, politicians, political leaders and the political class (Hay, 2007; Norris, 2011). All of these challenges have been particularly acute for British party leaders, but the political consequences of the crash stand out. A banking crisis, ‘credit crunch’ and major recession followed. Gordon Brown was faced the collapse of Northern Rock and a downturn in economic fortunes that could undermine his credentials for economic management, only months after taking office from Tony Blair in 2007.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Political parties

42478

47. Mortimore, Roger, Skinner, Gideon and Mludzinski, Tomasz
The Reporting and the Reality of Gender-Based Trends in Attitudes to the Conservatives, 2010–2011

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 97-115 ,68 , January
In the autumn of 2011, there was significant discussion in the British press about the level of support among women for the Conservatives and for Prime Minister David Cameron, arguing that he had a ‘problem with women’ and suggesting that this had arisen since the general election the previous year. We examine the opinion polls over the period, and find that they mostly point towards an opposite conclusion. Further, there seems little to suggest that attitudes to David Cameron personally were damaging Conservative standing among women, as much of the coverage implied. We consider how the reporting came to give a misleading impression, and why it matters.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Political parties 3. UK-Conservative party

42484

48. Whiteley, Paul et. at.
The Economic and Electoral Consequences of Austerity Policiesin Britain

Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2015: 4-24 ,68 , January
This article examines the relationship between electoral support and the economy over the period 2004–2013, paying particular attention to the impact of the economic strategy pursued by the Coalition government in Britain since the 2010 general election. This involves modelling the relationship between voting intentions, perceptions of economic performance and a variety of other variables using survey data collected from 2004. The evidence shows that when Labour was in office, support for the party was strongly influenced by the state of the economy, as was support for the opposition parties. However, since the Coalition came to power, the relationship between the economy and political support has changed, with neither the Conservatives nor the Liberal Democrats gaining from a fairly rapid growth in economic optimism which has taken place since early 2013. The article explains this change in terms of a growing perception among the public that none of the major parties can effectively manage Britain's economic problems. Optimism about the national economy has not significantly percolated down to the level of the individual voter. So individuals may be more optimistic about the future of the national economy but they are still being badly affected by the recession.
***1. UK-Politics and government 2. UK-Politics

42479

USA
-FOREIGN POLICY-MIDDLE EAST

49. Helfont, Tally
America and Its Allies in the Middle East: Bungling toward Strategic Cooperation

Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,4, 2015: 541-556 ,59 , Fall
Much has been said about a perceived steady decline of U.S. influence in the Middle East, and American weakness in the world more generally. Though there is some truth to the assertion that the United States’ ability to project power and assert influence in the Middle East has waned since it first sent occupying forces to the region in response to the attacks of 9/11, this does not necessarily equate to a black-and-white dichotomy of former might and current powerlessness. America's activities in Iraq in particular have led to some second and third order consequences that it will be dealing with for some time. While the empowerment of Iran is likely the most dominant negative consequence to emerge from America's activist foray into the region, the galvanizing of a strong pro-Western geopolitical alliance bloc poised to confront Iran and other subversive actors in the region is surely its most positive consequence. As this article will demonstrate, the ability of the United States to capitalize on opportunities created by the latter development have improved its strategic position in the region, and its maneuverability within it beyond what many have acknowledged.
***1. USA-Foreign policy-Middle East 2. USA-War against ISIS

42471

-GEOSTRATEGY

50. Noonan, Michael P
American Geostrategy in a Disordered World

Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,4, 2015: 600-612 ,59 , Fall
A quarter century after the end of the Cold War the United States faces an international geopolitical landscape that many would have not imagined a generation ago. Today the U.S. faces a disordered world where revisionist powers such as China and Russia wish to change the dynamics of the international system and a revolutionary Islamic State has aspirations to overthrow the entirety of the system itself. While the U.S. still maintains the strongest conventional military capabilities in the system it also has many global commitments and its resources are constrained. In order to cope with the current disordered world it must learn to operate within the current era's ambiguities, particularly in the space between war and peace, and much more adroitly blend its capabilities across the elements of national power to directly and indirectly confront threats and challengers.
***1. USA-Geostrategy 2. Russia-Foreign policy-USA

42473

51. Sempa, Francis P
The Roots of Mackinder's Geopolitics

Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs,4, 2015: 613-619 ,59 , Fall
Between 1904 and 1943, the British geographer Sir Halford Mackinder developed and refined his influential geopolitical view of global politics based on an understanding of history in its geographical setting. The roots of Mackinder's worldview reach back to a series of lesser-known writings that foreshadowed key aspects of his geopolitics, including the world as a “closed” political system; the relationship between physical and political geography; the recurring struggle between land powers and sea powers; great powers as “going concerns”; the effect of technology and scientific advances on the political cohesion of continental-sized states; and the impact of population and demographic trends on the global balance of power.
***1. USA-Geostrategy 2. USA-War against ISIS 3. Russia-Policy toward ISIS 4. China-Policy toward ISIS

42474

-WAR AGAINST TERRORISM

52. Fuller, Christopher J
The Eagle Comes Home to Roost: The Historical Origins of the CIA's Lethal Drone Program

Intelligence and National Security,6, 2015: 769-792 ,30 , December
The rapid escalation of the CIA's drone program under the Obama administration has attracted the close attention of the media and academic experts. While such attention has helped shine a light on the scale, effectiveness and legality of drone warfare, there has been little attempt to explain the origins of the program and place it within wider US counterterrorism practice. This article meets that need. Drawing upon executive orders, national security directives, documents from the CIA's archive, memoirs of key individuals and technical specifications of drones themselves, the article demonstrates how the current drone campaign has its origins in America's first clash with international terrorism, fought against state sponsors such as the late Colonel Gaddafi. As such, the article concludes that the Obama administration's approach, whilst unique in scale, actually marks a return to, rather than a departure from, counterterrorism methods developed in the decades preceding 9/11.
***1. USA-war against terrorism 2. USA-Counterterrorism 3. Libya-CIA drone campaign

42450

53. Karlborg, Lisa
The Ambiguous Host-Citizen Contract: An Evolving Notion of Duty in the U.S. Military Quest for Local Legitimacy

Studies in Conflict & Terrorism,10, 2015: 864-884 ,38 , October
The article explores how the recent quest for local legitimacy in Iraq and Afghanistan has shaped the U.S. military notion of duty toward host citizens. It argues that military duty is conceptualized as a “host-citizen contract.” Based on a qualitative comparison of the 2006 and 2014 versions of FM3-24, the U.S. counterinsurgency field manual, it finds that U.S. forces are obligated to suppress insurgents, build host-nation agency, and protect the host population in exchange for legitimacy. The article's main finding is that the notion of legitimacy has changed in ways that fundamentally limit the scope of duty and justify a breach of contract should the host nation fail to comply.
***1. USA-War against terrorism 2. Iraq-Counterinsurgency 3. Afghanistan-Counterinsurgency

42477

VENEZUELA
-DEMOCRACY

54. Duffya, Maura
(Re) conceptualising democracy: the limitations of benchmarks based on neoliberal democracy and the need for alternatives

Third World Quarterly,8, 2015: 1472-1492 ,36
The 21st century has witnessed increasing dissatisfaction with existing democratic institutions and processes and the growth of alternatives to representative democracy. At the same time arguments are emerging that conventional standards for evaluating democracy are ‘out of touch’ with current realities; in particular, with popular understandings, experiences and aspirations of what democracy should look like. This paper draws on empirical research in Caracas, Venezuela into how Venezuelan people understand democracy, in order to build a case that current evaluatory benchmarks are inadequate for understanding complex processes of social change based on more direct and participatory forms of democratic engagement.
***1. Venezuela-Democracy 2. Cambodia-Liberal democracy

42464