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Foreign Affairs Records

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin (December 2015)

Ministry of External Affairs Library
Patiala House
New Delhi

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
(December 2015)


1.    Bojicic-Dzelilovic, Vesna et. at.
        Organised crime and international aid subversion: evidence from Colombia and Afghanistan

Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 1887-1905 ,36
Scholarly attempts to explain aid subversion in post-conflict contexts frame the challenge in terms of corrupt practices and transactions disconnected from local power struggles. Also, they assume a distinction between organised crime and the state. This comparative analysis of aid subversion in Colombia and Afghanistan reveals the limits of such an approach. Focusing on relations that anchor organised crime within local political, social and economic processes, we demonstrate that organised crime is dynamic, driven by multiple motives and endogenous to local power politics. Better understanding of governance arrangements around the organised crime–conflict nexus which enables aid subversion is therefore required.
***1. Afghanistan-Organised crime 2. Afghanistan-International aid subversion 3. Colombia-Organised crime 4. Colombia-International aid subversion
2.    Wyatt, Christopher
        Afghanistan in the Great War

ASIAN AFFAIRS (New Series),3, 2015: 387-410 ,46 , November
The period of the Great War in Afghanistan was one of the most transformational periods of her entire history. Less than a year after the end of the Great War, both Afghanistan and her relations with the rest of the world had changed forever. The article covers Afghanistan and the outbreak of war, the Niedermayer-Hentig mission from Germany, pressure on the frontier and at court, and the aftermath of the Assassination of Amir Habibullah. At Kabul, the emergence of a ‘War Party’, which favoured the declaration of war on India on the side of the Central Powers, caused difficulties for Habibullah's attempt to remain neutral. Although the War Party was to have some support from the Niedermayer-Hentig Mission to Kabul, it was never strong enough to act until the Great War itself was over. On the other side of the frontier, the tribes were expecting to be called to fight at any moment. Keen to raid into the plains, they initially moved too early and were rebuffed but low-level tribal activity took place all over the frontier, though not at the intensity seen in previous large uprisings. At the same time, the Indian Army was taking out the best troops to send to Europe and other fronts, leaving a comparatively small force to protect the frontier. Large scale response to tribal raiding was not possible but the Indian Army was able to deploy aeroplanes, artillery and machine guns as force multipliers to help make up for the lack of fighting men. The cumulative experience was one of change which needed to be understood and accommodated in short order. Men like Sir Denys Bray of the Foreign Department and Mahmud Tarzi and Abdul Quddus Khan in Kabul were able to do this and, in so doing, facilitated Afghanistan's emergence to independence and nationhood.
***1. Afghanistan-War 2. Afghanistan-Foreign relations-India 3. Afghanistan-Foreign relations-Germany
3.    Hastings, Justin V and Phillips, Sarah G
        Maritime piracy business networks and institutions in Africa

African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,457, 2015: 555-576 ,114 , October
The two regions with the greatest incidence of maritime piracy in Africa, the Horn of Africa and the Gulf of Guinea, are also known for the low quality of the institutions underlying their political economies. This article investigates how institutions in these areas shape and constrain the sophisticated maritime piracy syndicates and their behaviour. Engaging with the literature on state failure and maritime piracy, we argue that norms and institutions constrain even criminal organizations like piracy groups, which often mimic and are embedded in the licit economy. In the Horn of Africa, pirates take structural and ideational cues from the licit economy and are constrained by the informal regulations that govern clan groups, rent-based economic activities, and collective security arrangements in Somalia. In West Africa, sophisticated piracy both preys upon and arises from the formal economy, specifically the international oil industry. As a result, piracy networks often mirror and draw from both the formal institutions in Nigeria used to regulate and protect oil production, and those engaged in oil production, processing, distribution, and transportation.
***1. Africa-Maritime piracy 2. Africa-Organized crime 3. Africa-Criminal enterprises

4.    Ishkanian, Armine
        Self-Determined Citizens? New Forms of Civic Activism and Citizenship in Armenia

Europe-Asia Studies,8, 2015: 1203-1227 ,67 , October
This article examines the recent emergence and growth of grassroots social movements in Armenia which are locally known as ‘civic initiatives’. It considers what their emergence tells us about the development of civil society and the changing understandings and practices of citizenship in Armenia in the post-Soviet period. It analyses why civic initiatives explicitly reject and distance themselves from formal, professionalised NGOs and what new models of civic activism and citizenship they have introduced. It argues that civic initiatives embrace a more political understanding of civil society than that which was introduced by Western donors in the 1990s.
***1. Armenia-Civil society 2. Armenia-Citizenship 3. Armenia-Civic activism
5.    Pereira, Anthony W
        Bolsa Família and democracy in Brazil

Third World Quarterly,9, 2015: 1682-1699 ,36
The conditional cash transfer (CCT) programme Bolsa Família (Family Allowance), introduced in Brazil in 2003, is one of the largest such programmes in the world. Bolsa Família has played a role in the recent reduction of poverty and income inequality in Brazil. But what has been its impact on democracy? An assumption in the literature on social policy, derived from the European experience, is that targeted programmes such as Bolsa Família divide citizens, erode trust between citizens and between citizens and the state, and weaken democracy. This article challenges that assumption, showing that there is considerable evidence that Bolsa Família has strengthened the citizenship rights of the poor and enhanced democracy. The Brazilian experience suggests that, in highly unequal developing countries under conditions of 21st-century capitalism, the argument that targeted social programmes will inevitably undermine democracy is incorrect.
***1. Brazil-Democracy 2. Brazil-Citizenship 3. Brazil-Social policy
6.    Lopez-Lucia, Elisa
        Regional powers and regional security governance: An interpretive perspective on the policies of Nigeria and Brazil

 International Relations,3, 2015: 348-362 ,29 , September
The study of regional powers has become an increasingly prominent part of debates in the academic field of International Relations (IR), particularly regarding their role in creating the conditions for international security. While the IR literature tends to focus on the causal effect of material and ideational factors to explain the policy of regional powers, this article uses an interpretive approach, centring on the study of historical representations. Through a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of Brazil and Nigeria since the 1990s, it argues that a focus on the traditions and dilemmas of regional powers enables a better explanation of their policy, one which illustrates how material factors are refracted through the representations of foreign policy elites in the two countries and expressed in their foreign policy practices as regional powers.
***1. Brazil-Foreign policy 2. Nigeria-Foreign policy 3. Brazil-Regional security governance 4. Nigeria-Regional security governance

7.    Wehner, Leslie E
        Role Expectations As Foreign Policy: South American Secondary Powers' Expectations of Brazil As A Regional Power

Foreign Policy Analysis,4, 2015: 435–455 ,11 , October
This article sets out how secondary powers in South America—that is, Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela—see Brazil as a regional power, as well as Brazil's strategy of using its regional powerhood to further its own ambitions of becoming a global power on the international stage. The article assesses the expectations of these three countries, specifically in terms of what kind of roles they attribute to Brazil. Following this empirical interest, the article develops a role theoretical framework for understanding the importance of Others' expectations for the role con-ception and enactment of the Self. The article also elaborates on the interplay of master roles and auxiliary roles in which Others become key shapers of those roles, as well as on how the role interaction between a regional power and the secondary powers is bound to their differing notions of “region,” as strategically used by each as part of their foreign policy.
***1. Brazil-Foreign policy-Argentina 2. Brazil-Regional power 3. Brazil-Foreign policy-Chile 4. Brazil-Foreign policy-Venezuela

8.    Roberts, Philip
        Passive revolution in Brazil: struggles over hegemony, religion and development 1964–2007

 Third World Quarterly,9, 2015: 1663-1681 ,36
This article examines transformations of the role of religion in Brazil, focused on two transitions within the national political economy. A Gramscian framework of analysis is used to investigate the shift from import substitution industrialisation to neoliberalism, and the varying role of religion within class struggles in each period. The central argument is that Brazil has moved from a period of ‘passive revolution’ to one of ‘hegemony’, and that the role of religion has changed significantly in this period. The article examines ideas, institutions and social forces, with particular attention to the Landless Workers Movement and its relationship with Liberation Theology.
***1. Brazil-Passive revolution 2. Brazil-Religion
9.    Vandeginste, Stef
        Burundi's electoral crisis – back to power-sharing politics as usual?

African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,457, 2015: 624-636 ,114 , October
This briefing sheds light on the trigger of the violence as well as the longer-term context of the ongoing crisis in Burundi. The Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement of August 2000 is a major point of reference for the analysis of the contestation around President Nkurunziza's third-term ambitions, and for the larger picture of Burundi's transition process. The Arusha Agreement was the first in a series of peace agreements that put an end to over a decade of civil strife, which was in important ways an identity-based conflict. This negotiated transition from conflict to peace was based on two types of power sharing. On the one hand, it involved a classic deal to share political and military positions between incumbents and insurgents. On the other, and to a greater extent than anywhere else on the African continent, consociational mechanisms were used to re-engineer state institutions on the basis of ethnic power sharing.
***1. Burundi-Politics and government 2. Burundi-Presidential elections 3. Burundi-Power sharing


10.    Avendaño, Rolando and Dayton-Johnson, Jeff
        Central America, China, and the US: What Prospects for Development?

Pacific Affairs,4, 2015: 813-847 ,88 , December
Central America remains among the poorest subregions of Latin America, and many Central American countries are among the hemisphere's most dependent upon primary-product exports. Unlike other commodity exporters in Latin America, however, Central American countries have not benefitted from booming Chinese demand for primary products. We use a series of measures to assess Central American countries' trade structure, and find that they face increasing competition from Chinese products in third-country markets (like Mexico) but also little complementarity with Chinese demand (unlike Argentina or Chile). Central American countries continue to be very dependent upon the US market for exports—and, to a lesser extent, for foreign direct investment and foreign aid inflows—though dependence upon the US has slipped even as most of the countries in the subregion have entered into a preferential trade agreement with the US. The pattern of exports has shifted from agricultural to assembly plant manufactures in several countries, and Costa Rica now exports sophisticated manufactured products to the US and China alike. We explore the role that diplomatic relations may have played in Central America's tepid China trade: all Central American countries save Costa Rica (since 2007) recognize Taiwan and not the People's Republic of China. We end with some considerations of development strategies in the region.
***1. Central America-Trade relations-China 2. Central America-Economic development 3. Central America-Trade relations-USA 4. Central America-Diplomatic relations-China
11.    Gaenssmantel, Frank
        Interpreting change: International challenges and variations in foreign policy beliefs as explanations for shifts in China’s policy towards the European Union

International Relations,3, 2015: 395-409 ,29 , September
This article examines why and how China upgraded its engagement with the European Union (EU) in the years between 2001 and 2004, with reference to pre-existing foreign policy traditions and practices in reform-era China. It argues that most of the observed changes can be explained with reference to two dynamics. First, the changing international environment, mostly with regard to the roles of the United States and the EU, challenged the established approach to foreign policy inherited from Deng Xiaoping, China’s pre-eminent leadership figure from the late 1970s to the mid-1990s. In this sense, the shift towards the EU was part of wider efforts to solve this dilemma. Second, differences in how various groups in the Chinese foreign policy establishment understood and implemented Deng’s guidelines and their respective influence in policy-making can help to grasp some of the more specific developments in Chinese policy towards the EU in the early 2000s. To supplement this main claim, the article also critically evaluates the changes less well explained by these two dynamics and proposes additional explanations.
***1. China-Foreign policy 2. China–European Union relations 3. USA-Foreign policy-China
12.    Gelsing, Jeroen
        Monroe Who? – The Chinese Dragon Stirs in Latin America

ASIAN AFFAIRS(New Series),3, 2015: 476-488 ,46 , November
Mainstream media have reported on ‘China in Uncle Sam's Backyard’ - Latin America - with considerable alarm in recent years. But is such alarm justified? This article aspires to lift the fog on China's engagement with Latin America. The article finds that mutual concerns over economic development, not military advantage, are the driving force behind closer Sino-Latin American relations. Nonetheless, it is indisputable that China's presence in the Southern Hemisphere impacts the region's geopolitical dynamics, with possible consequences for the US security position. That said, China's arrival in Latin America also harbours a positive strategic opportunity for Washington to re-engage, on a more equal footing, with a continent whose relations with the US have been historically troubled, and more recently, have suffered from a certain neglect.
***1. China-Foreign relations-Latin America 2. USA-foreign relations-Latin America 3. Latin America-Economic development
13.    Hsu, Jennifer Y J
        China’s development: a new development paradigm?

Third World Quarterly,9, 2015: 1754-1769 ,36
The emergence of China as a development actor across the global South has raised significant questions regarding the extent to which the country presents new development opportunities to its compatriots in the South. My aim is to reflect on and parse out the experiences and policies that have shaped China’s development to assess how it can inform the field of development studies. I argue that we need to critically engage in China’s development process, as China’s own development has led to the emergence of many more problems than solutions, ranging from increasing inequality to exclusionary development practices pertaining to ethnic minorities.
***1. China-Growth and development 2. China-Economic development 3. China-Global Development studies
14.    Langan, Mark
        The moral economy of EU relations with North African states: DCFTAs under the European Neighbourhood Policy

Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 1827-1844 ,36
The EU has loudly voiced its intention to facilitate poverty reduction and democratisation in North Africa. In particular, it seeks to conclude Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) with Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt. These are seen as a vital response to the Arab Spring – integrating North African countries into the globalised economy. Applying a moral economy perspective, this article argues, however, that, while ‘Normative Power Europe’ seeks to build more tranquil societies in the region, its trade policies nevertheless threaten to exacerbate poverty and social unrest. The prospect of de-industrialisation in the wake of FTAs will do much to entrench economic asymmetries between the European metropole and its neighbours.
***1. European Union-Neighbourhood policy 2. European Union-Free trade agreement-Morocco 3. European Union-Free trade agreement-Tunisia 4. European Union-Free trade agreement-Egypt
15.    Burange, L G and Ranadive, Rucha R
        Transmission Mechanism of Exchange Rate Pass-through in India

Foreign Trade Review,4, 2015: 263-283 ,50 , November
The degree of transmission of the exchange rate fluctuations to domestic prices manoeuvres the monetary policy actions in order to contain the inflationary pressure on the economy. The study intends to analyze the exchange rate pass-through to import and domestic prices in India after the global financial crisis applying unrestricted VAR model and innovation accounting tools such as impulse response functions and variance decomposition. The empirical study has been undertaken from April 2009 to May 2013 considering eight variable VAR consisting of oil prices, output gap, the exchange rate, interest rate, money supply, import prices, wholesale prices and consumer prices in India. Incomplete pass-through to import and domestic prices has been encountered and the transmission of pass-through declines along the distribution chain of pricing. The magnitude of pass-through is high for import prices and moderate to wholesale and consumer prices. The variance decomposition results reveal that industrial output, interest rate and money supply impact domestic prices to a greater extent in India.
***1. India-Economy 2. India-Exchange rates 3. India-Consumer prices
16.    Routray, Sailen
        The post-development impasse and the state in India

Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 1906-1921 ,36
After discussing the various points of departure suggested by scholars of development, this paper argues that, in the context of India, one way out of the post-development impasse lies in shifting the focus from development politics to the workings of the developmental state on the ground, and to change the methodological vantage point to ethnography. It is suggested that this change in approach would provide fresh insights into the workings of the developmental state and into the process of development in India.
***1. India-Ethnography 2. India-Political society 3. India-development studies
17.    Davis, Alexander E
        A Shared History?: Postcolonial Identity and India-Australia Relations, 1947–1954

Pacific Affairs,4, 2015: 849-869 ,88 , December
This article challenges the validity of recent suggestions that shared history underpins India-Australia relations through an historical analysis of little-known diplomats who worked for the Indian High Commission in Australia and the Australian High Commission in India immediately after Indian independence. Based on largely unexplored archival material from India, Australia, and Canada, it argues that Australia's racialized identity, as expressed through the White Australia policy, thoroughly shaped Indian perceptions of Australia. While Indian policy makers never officially voiced their distaste for White Australia, Indian diplomats put their efforts into reshaping the image of India in Australia through travel and personal contacts as part of an effort to educate Australia about India. Likewise, Australia's colonial identity led it to see India and Indian foreign policy as "irrational" due to its emphasis on racial discrimination and decolonization. It is argued that, far from underpinning the relationship, colonial histories and subsequent postcolonial identities have played an important role in fracturing India-Australia relations.
***1. India-Foreign relations-Australia 2. India-Foreign policy-Australia
18.    Houshisadat, Mohammad
        The Role of Iran's Future Liquid Natural Gas Supply in the Eu's Energy Security

ASIAN AFFAIRS(New Series),3, 2015: 458-475 ,46 , November
Global gas demand will surge by around 50% until 2030 and more than 50% of all interregional gas trading will be conducted by LNG carriers. The EU will be the first gas importer by the end of the next decade, while the Union will import around 80% of the gas and LNG it will need during the next decade. In addition, the EU is not interested in supporting the status quo in its gas and LNG policies and decided to decrease its huge dependency on Russian gas. Therefore, diversification of gas and LNG suppliers is at the top of the EU energy agenda.
***1. Iran-Liquid natural gas 2. European Union-Energy security 3. Iran-Energy geopolitics
19.    Assi, Abbas and Worrall, James
        Stable instability: the Syrian conflict and the postponement of the 2013 Lebanese parliamentary elections

Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 1944-1967 ,36
Given the morass of the Syrian civil war and Lebanon’s exposure to the consequences, this article seeks to explore how the intersecting dynamics of Lebanese domestic conflicts and the multiple implications of the bloodbath in Syria have influenced the behaviour of Lebanese political parties in their ongoing struggle over the formulation of a new electoral law, leading to a broad consensus among the country’s parties to postpone the 2013 parliamentary elections. The article argues that, while the usual attempts to profit at the expense of other groups in society are still present and external patrons still wield great influence, the decision to postpone the elections also demonstrates a degree of pragmatism and political development since, despite dire predictions to the contrary, Lebanon has not succumbed to the return of its own civil war. Instead a complex mixture of pragmatism, elision of interests and external influence, combined with local agency, has led Lebanon into a situation of stable instability.
***1. Lebanon-Parliamentary election, 2013 2. Lebanon-Democratisation
20.    Lyon, Aisling
        Resolving Socioeconomic Disparities through Fiscal Decentralisation in the Republic of Macedonia

Europe-Asia Studies,8, 2015: 1282-1301 ,67 , October
This article examines whether fiscal decentralisation in the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia between 2005 and 2012 has been achieved at the expense of economic and territorial cohesion. It examines the presence of longstanding socioeconomic disparities and rural under-development, before considering whether fiscal decentralisation has: facilitated a more equitable distribution of public resources; created the optimal conditions for expanding citizens’ access to basic services; and reduced socioeconomic disparities between urban and rural areas. The article argues that unless carefully designed and implemented, fiscal decentralisation reforms can have unintended consequences and may actually exacerbate socioeconomic disparities rather than reduce them.
***1. Macedonia-Socioeconomic disparities 2. Macedonia-Fiscal decentralisation reforms
21.    Bleck, Jaimie and Michelitch, Kristin
        The 2012 crisis in Mali: Ongoing empirical state failure

African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,457, 2015: 598-623 ,114 , October
In 2012 Mali faced a crisis disrupting nearly twenty years of democratization – a coup and rebel insurgency. This article investigates policy priorities amongst rural Malians living on the border of state and rebel-controlled territory during the crisis. While academic and policy-making communities have focused largely on Mali's recent and sudden regime and territorial breakdown, the villagers defined the crisis in terms of their unmet needs for public services and infrastructure amidst high food and water insecurity. Concern for the sudden ‘juridical state’ breakdown – the collapse of the democratic regime – was trumped by the focus on long-term ‘empirical state’ breakdown. Using recent Afrobarometer data on diverse dimensions of empirical statehood, we show that the problem of rural neglect emphasized by seminal scholars is persistent not only across Mali, but also across many African countries. The tendency of academics and policy makers to focus on the immediate or more volatile political problems of the coup and rebel insurgency facing the Malian state, while important, risks understating and underestimating the power of slow-moving crises of daily life that are more important to rural citizens.
***1. Mali-Political crisis 2. Mali-Food insecurity 3. Mali-Insurgency
22.    Cantir, Cristian and Kennedy, Ryan
        Balancing on the Shoulders of Giants: Moldova's Foreign Policy toward Russia and the European Union

Foreign Policy Analysis,4, 2015: 397–416 ,11 , October
“Soft balancing” has emerged as a way to reconcile realist theory with the lack of hard balancing behavior against US hegemony. Scholars continue, however, to disagree on the concept's utility and causes. Consistent with its realist roots, scholars have primarily focused on power imbalance and external threat to security as causes of soft balancing. This article analyzes Moldova's major foreign policy shift in the mid-2000s. It argues that this was a clear example of soft balancing and that it adds several important insights into the causes of soft balancing. While the power imbalance and external threat from Russia were persistent throughout Moldova's post-independence history, the country only adopted a soft balancing strategy once Russia posed a threat to the internal stability of the government and changes in EU policy created a permissive international environment for the strategy. Moreover, we argue that the domestic political environment played a key role in enabling the adoption of this strategy. This article therefore diversifies the analysis of the causes of soft balancing and provides a theoretical answer for the puzzle of Moldova's pro-Western turn in 2003.
***1. Moldova-Foreign policy-Russia 2. Moldova-Foreign relations-Russia
23.    Bachtold, Stefan
        The rise of an anti-politics machinery: peace, civil society and the focus on results in Myanmar

Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 1968-1983 ,36
Results’, ‘value for money’, ‘effectiveness’ and similar buzzwords have become commonplace in development cooperation and peace building. The use of technical instruments such as project cycle management and evaluations is hardly questioned anymore: these are presented as a minor shift of focus to make current practice more effective. This paper argues that there is far more to this shift: a machinery of practices and institutions has been installed that removes political questions on development or peace from the political realm and places them under the rule of technical experts. Drawing on a Foucauldian understanding of discourse analysis, the paper analyses how this machinery prioritises gradual reform, subjugates other approaches to societal change and reproduces power/knowledge networks in both the global South and North. Based on ethnographic field research in Myanmar, it also explores discursive strategies of local actors and assesses how they are aiming to create spaces to challenge this machinery.
***1. Myanmar-Peace building 2. Myanmar-Civil society 3. Myanmar-Bureaucratisation

24.    Elischer, Sebastian
        Autocratic legacies and state management of Islamic activism in Niger

African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,457, 2015: 577-597 ,114 , October
In contrast to similar organizations in its neighbouring countries, Niger's domestic Salafi associations have remained peaceful and apolitical. Drawing on historical institutionalist scholarship and on recent conceptualizations of the state as a religious actor, this article examines how the Nigerien state has tried to regulate religious practices since Seyni Kountché's military coup in 1974. It argues that the institutional regulation of religious practices is one important variable that accounts for Niger's deviant trajectory. During Niger's autocratic period (1974–91), the government established the Association islamique du Niger (AIN) as the sole legal authority regulating access to Niger's Friday prayer mosques. Committed to peaceful and apolitical interpretations of the Koran, the AIN confined access to Niger's religious sphere to local clerics and Sufi brotherhoods. After the breakdown of autocratic rule in 1991, the AIN served as a religious advisory body. Salafi associations could assemble freely but had to abide by certain criteria. Confronted with the prospect of Islamic violence in 2000, the Nigerien state intervened in Niger's religious sphere in several ways. Among other initiatives, the government began to resurrect a more rigorous system of religious supervision in order to monitor religious practices on an ongoing basis.
***1. Niger-Islam 2. Niger-Religious regulation 3. Niger-Religious control
25.    McGovern, Mark
        State violence and the colonial roots of collusion in Northern Ireland

Race and Class,2, 2015: 3-23 ,57 , October-December
This article considers the nature of collusion between the British state and loyalist paramilitary organisations during the conflict in Northern Ireland in the context of British counterinsurgency theory and practices in prior colonial campaigns. It briefly outlines the nature, pattern and logic of collusion in Northern Ireland before examining some of the key works of British counterinsurgency theorists – Charles Callwell, Charles Gwynn and Frank Kitson – reflecting on earlier imperial experiences. Collusion is understood as an expedient coercive state practice, premised on a ‘doctrine of necessity’, designed to remove ‘enemies’ and induce fear in a target population via a strategy of assassination in which the appearance of adherence to the rule of law is a political end shaping the specific forms of state violence involved. Such a practice, the author argues, is not an aberration in the tradition of British state counterinsurgency violence, it is exemplary.
***1. Northern Ireland-State violence 2. Northern Ireland-Counterinsurgency 3. Northern Ireland-Irregular warfare
26.    Koldunova, Ekaterina
        Russia as a Euro-Pacific power: Dilemmas of Russian foreign policy decision-making

International Relations,3, 2015: 378-394 ,29 , September
Russia has a dual self-perception deeply rooted in its historical development. It is represented in two competing traditions of defining Russia’s position in the world. While some parts of society view Russia as a part of Europe, others believe that it is a distinct Eurasian power. An academic view – although one less popular among Moscow foreign policy-making elites – defines Russia as a Euro-Pacific power possessing vital interests in Europe and the Asia-Pacific. This article examines recent developments in Russian foreign policy decision-making with a view to interpreting how contemporary dilemmas have featured in the adaptation and rearticulation of the two predominant identity traditions by Russian foreign policy actors since 1991. It also analyses how the beliefs of the situated agents, namely, political elites and bureaucratic, intellectual and business actors at various levels, have contributed to Russia’s interpretation of recent global power shifts. These are examined with particular reference to the ongoing crisis in Russia’s relations with the West, sharply accented in Ukraine, and the emerging significance of the Asia-Pacific for thinking about the Russian foreign policy and its role in the world.
***1. Russia-Foreign policy 2. Eurasianism 3. Russia-Foreign relations-China
      -FOREIGN POLICY-ASIA        
27.    Brenton, Sir Tony
        Russia Turns East: Or Does It?

ASIAN AFFAIRS(New Series),3, 2015: 411-423 ,46 , November
Sir Tony Brenton, formerly British Ambassador to Moscow (2004-2008), considers in this article the Asian dimension of Russia. He considers the historical connections and importance of Asia (as opposed to Europe) in the development of Russia and the historical balance between Asian and European influence. This section pays particular attention to the development of Siberia and early encounters between Russia and China. He then examines shifting Russian attitudes towards Asia at significant moments in Russian history including the 19th century (the Slavophile Movement), the Communist period, the post-Soviet 1990s and the current era under President Putin. The implications of the Ukraine crisis and the current relationship with China is studied. He concludes with a discussion of whether Russia is likely to see its future orientation as more towards China and Asia, and what implications Russia's deliberation about its future direction has for the western powers.
***1. Russia-Foreign policy-Asia 2. Siberia-Growth and development 3. Russia-Foreign policy-China
      -SOFT POWER POLICY        
28.    Wilson, Jeanne L
        Soft Power: A Comparison of Discourse and Practice in Russia and China

Europe-Asia Studies,8, 2015: 1171-1202 ,67 , October
This article compares soft power as a normative and operational construct in the Russian and Chinese political context. I examine Russian and Chinese discourse on soft power as well as the efforts of the Kremlin and Beijing to devise programmes for its implementation. I then compare and evaluate the similarities and differences in Russian and Chinese soft power strategy. The similarities between the two states indicate their joint status as authoritarian regimes with a Marxist–Leninist heritage. The differences can be attributed to their vastly disparate economic circumstances, but also to historical, social, and political factors that influence soft power policies.
***1. Russia-Soft power policy 2. China-Soft power policy 3. Marxist–Leninist heritage
      -STATE DUMA ELECTION        
29.    Roberts, Sean P
        Online Campaigning in Russia: Evidence from the 2011 State Duma Election

Europe-Asia Studies,8, 2015: 1228-1250 ,67 , October
Despite the continuing growth of internet use in Russia, there remains little systematic analysis of online election campaigning. This article presents an in-depth, multi-method analysis of party and candidate online activity during the 2011 State Duma election campaign—arguably Russia's first ‘internet election’—to ascertain the extent to which new social media is changing politics in Russia. The main findings indicate that the internet did indeed help to level the competitive playing field during the election campaign period, but despite the growing number of internet users, the overall level of online engagement remained weak.
***1. Russia-State Duma Election 2. Russia-Election campaign
30.    Millar, Gearoid
        Investing in peace: foreign direct investment as economic restoration in Sierra Leone?

Third World Quarterly,9, 2015: 1700-1716 ,36
In peace-building and transitional justice literature economic restoration is considered central to sustainable peace in post-conflict societies. However, it is also widely recognised that many post-conflict states cannot afford mechanisms to provide restoration. Not only are many such states poor to begin with, but violent conflict further degrades their economic capacity. As a result, in their need to provide jobs, generate tax revenues, spur development and promote sustainable peace, many post-conflict states turn to alternative processes of economic restoration. This paper examines the potential for foreign direct investment (FDI) to serve as one alternative means by which to provide economic restoration in post-conflict states. Presenting findings from six months of fieldwork evaluating one such project in rural Sierra Leone, the paper describes how local people experience such projects and explores whether employment and land-lease payments can provide experiences of economic restoration so far unforthcoming from the state.
***1. Sierra Leone-Economic development 2. Sierra Leone-foreign direct investment 3. Sierra Leone-Peace building
31.    Malito, Debora Valentina
        Building terror while fighting enemies: how the Global War on Terror deepened the crisis in Somalia

Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 1866-1886 ,36
Somalia has become a front in the US Global War on Terror (GWoT) because of the potential connection between terrorism and state fragility. While originally oriented towards ‘building states while fighting terror’, Enduring Freedom in Somalia obtained quite the opposite result of deepening the existing conflict. Why and how did the GWoT result in the controversial outcome of ‘building terror while fighting enemies’? This article argues that the GWoT sponsored in Somalia an isolationist strategy that encouraged the political polarisation and military radicalisation of the insurgency. To explore this argument, the article first analyses the structure of the intervention by focusing on the interests and strategies of the interveners. Then it evaluates the conditions under which the modality of intervention (through the use of diplomatic, economic and coercive measures) violated the conditions essential to resolving conflict.
***1. Somalia-Global war on terror 2. Somalia-Military intervention
32.    Thakur, Vineet
        Foreign Policy and its People: Transforming the Apartheid Department of Foreign Affairs

Diplomacy and statecraft,3, 2015: 514-533 ,26 , September
Just as apartheid was ending, South Africa’s foreign relations witnessed a massive expansion. However, the Department of Foreign Affairs that was to manage this change found itself undergoing institutional transformations of both personnel and ideology. Studies on South African foreign policy have mostly neglected this transformation, which has had a considerable influence on the content and direction of South African foreign policy. In discussing this seldom-studied issue, this analysis unearths the discussions and debates that took place between various stakeholders to bring about transformation in the Department. In doing so, it argues that two different cultures of diplomacy came together in forming the new Department of Foreign Affairs. These cultures have had a significant impact on the thrust and direction of post-apartheid South Africa foreign policy.
***1. South Africa-Foreign policy 2. South Africa-Department of Foreign Affairs
33.    Wagner, Keith B
        District 9, race and neoliberalism in post-apartheid Johannesburg

Race and Class,2, 2015: 43-59 ,57 , October-December
District 9 is a sci-fi film, ostensibly concerned with the arrival of extraterrestrials in Johannesburg, that explores notions of regulatory control and economic supremacy in twenty-first century neoliberal South Africa. This commentary and political resonance are found beneath, and also work with the action and CGI special effects. This essay attempts to identify many real world features as allegories within the film: post-apartheid racism, economic subjugation and urban poverty and how, despite past economic constraints due to colour, the new neoliberal rhetoric of innovation and self-adjustment has replaced the white-centred nationalism of an older capitalism, but with devastating consequences. District 9 is, the author argues, a powerful film through which to think about the structural, spatial and cultural failures of post-apartheid South Africa. The indifferences by the South Africans in the film carry strong ideological and social signification to the past: the extraterrestrials encode the urban landscape which is then decoded by audiences as they interpret the haunting remnants of segregation and urban poverty now reanimated by immigrant aliens (doubling for Nigerians and Zimbabweans) in the narrative. More importantly, via the substitution of subservient extraterrestrials for black immigrants new to South Africa, the film throws up for discussion many discourses over race, politics, remembrance, inequality and reveals decades-old problems recalibrated in District 9’s sci-fi dystopia.
***1. South Africa-Neoliberalism 2. South Africa-Unemployment
34.    Mobrand, Erik
        The Politics of Regulating Elections in South Korea: The Persistence of Restrictive Campaign Laws

Pacific Affairs,4, 2015: 791-811 ,88 , December
Establishing an effective legal framework for regulating elections is widely considered a priority for new democracies. Electoral regulation, though, can be profoundly political. I examine the politics of electoral regulation in South Korea. The country's restrictive campaign laws stand in sharp contrast to the liberal values that many espouse. Given the vibrancy of South Korea's civil society and the entrance of many former activists into party politics, it is surprising that laws continue to limit political discussion and participation during election campaigns. I shed light on this puzzle by examining the ways an established party elite appropriated predemocratic institutions of electoral governance. Restrictive election regulations have their origins decades before South Korea's democratic transition began in 1987. I offer evidence from the evolution of campaign laws in order to demonstrate continuity in important portions of the restrictions and to suggest reasons why a group of influential actors have converged around the perpetuation of these restrictions. This study has implications for the subject of electoral engineering and for thinking about South Korea's democratization.
***1. South Korea-Politics and government 2. South Korea-Election 3. South Korea-Election campaign law
35.    Hellquist, Elin
        Interpreting sanctions in Africa and Southeast Asia

International Relations,3, 2015: 319-333 ,29 , September
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were both born to stabilise vulnerable state borders by practising non-interference in domestic affairs. Today, the OAU’s successor, the African Union (AU), uses sanctions against unconstitutional changes of government, while ASEAN continues to rule out any collective punitive action against members. To explain these divergent trajectories, this article first shows how different traditions produced different ways of engaging with sanctions in the early formative cases of South Africa and Vietnam. Thereafter, it examines how these traditionswere selectively re-thought when confronted with the dilemmas of international sanctions against Libya and Myanmar. The interpretive approach enables a nuanced account of continuity and change in beliefs about sanctions. The AU’s sanctions doctrine has updated rather than broken with a traditional interpretation of non-interference. For ASEAN, the longstanding tradition of informality – and not strict adherence to non-interference – has continued to rule out regional sanctions.
***1. Southeast Asia-Domestic affairs 2. Africa-Domestic affairs 3. Organization of African Unity 4. Southeast Asia-Comparative regionalism-Africa
36.    Matz, Johan
        Foreign Policy Analysis and the Study of the Diplomatic History of the Raoul Wallenberg Case

Diplomacy and statecraft,3, 2015: 424-445 ,26 , September
In 1982, claims were made that the Swedish diplomat, Raoul Wallenberg, when preparing in mid-January 1945 for his trip to Soviet military headquarter in Debrecen, north of Budapest, concealed large amounts of valuables—gold and jewellery—in his car. Moreover, the argument exists that Russian discovery of these valuables had a significant impact on both Swedish and Soviet handling of his case. Recently re-surfacing in a biography of Wallenberg, this claim is incorrect. The testimonies referred to in its support are fraught with serious weaknesses and, the causal chain allegedly set off about finding the valuables is not verifiable. This analysis argues that the study of the diplomatic history of the Wallenberg case could benefit significantly by taking some basic insights from the field of foreign policy analysis into account.
***1. Sweden-Diplomacy 2. Sweden-Foreign policy 3. Swedish Diplomat-Raoul Wallenberg 4. Russia-Foreign policy              

37.    Lee, Sang Kook
        Behind the Scenes: Smuggling in the Thailand-Myanmar Borderland

Pacific Affairs,4, 2015: 767-790 ,88 , December
This study shines light on behind-the-scenes informal economic activities in the Thailand-Myanmar borderland, with a focus on unauthorized riverbank Burmese merchants, the cross-border movement of goods, and the nexus of ethnic politics and border trade. Although unauthorized trade is labelled as smuggling by the state, it is withi chiwit, a “way of life” for Burmese merchants on the riverbank, and even recognized by local state agencies. The decision to smuggle is made rationally and deliberately by the merchants as part of their life trajectories, while smuggled goods cater to the needs of local people and are deeply integrated into the economy of the border towns. The cross-border movement of goods by boat also demonstrates that informal ways are still alive and facilitating border trade. It further shows that the ordering of the border is not entirely regulated by state agencies but by other social groups as well, notably ethnic groups.
***1. Thailand-Border trade-Myanmar 2. Thailand-Smuggling-Myanmar
38.    Ostermann, Falk
        The end of ambivalence and the triumph of pragmatism? Franco-British defence cooperation and European and Atlantic defence policy traditions

International Relations,3, 2015: 334-347 ,29 , September
This article investigates the Franco-British rapprochement in security and defence cooperation under Nicolas Sarkozy, Gordon Brown and David Cameron from 2008 to 2012. While in the past British Atlanticism and the French Europeanist tradition had stood in the way of close bilateral cooperation, the conclusion of several treaties of defence cooperation in this period delivered closer ties. By adopting an interpretivist perspective on events, this article argues that the rapprochement can be explained with reference principally to changes in the French tradition, which took it closer to the British Atlanticist tradition. Drawing on parliamentary and executive statements, the article traces the influence of, and changes in, the balance between Europeanism and Atlanticism in the defence policy traditions in the two countries. The article argues that the dilemmas that compelled a revision of the traditions particularly in France arose from a series of new beliefs at elite level about sovereignty over defence policy, national role conceptions and the recognition of dire budgetary constraints. In this context, Franco-British rapprochement served both countries’ national interests.
***1. UK-Defence policy 2. UK-Defence cooperation-France 3. Lancaster house treaty 4. EU–NATO relations
39.    Hucker, Daniel
        British Peace Activism and ‘New’ Diplomacy: Revisiting the 1899 Hague Peace Conference

Diplomacy and statecraft,3, 2015: 405-423 ,26 , September
This analysis provides a re-appraisal of the 1899 Hague Conference by looking more closely at how citizen activists—notably in Britain but also transnationally—used it as a forum through which to press their agenda onto politicians and diplomatists. In so doing, this assembly existed as a stepping-stone between the ‘old’ diplomacy of the nineteenth century and the ‘new’ diplomacy of the twentieth. Peace activists identified and harnessed a growing body of progressive public opinion—on both a domestic and international scale—in the hope of compelling governments to take the necessary steps towards realising their ambitions of peace, disarmament, and international arbitration. Although the tangible outcomes of the 1899 Conference were limited, the precedents it established not only paved the way for further advances in international law, but also facilitated ever closer public and press scrutiny of international affairs into the twentieth century.
***1. UK-Diplomacy 2. UK-Peace activities 3. The Hague peace conference, 1899
40.    Johnston, Alison
        Is British Mass Higher Education Really a ‘Fraud’? A Rebuttal to Ware

        The Political Quarterly,4, 2015: 485–488 ,86 , October-December
***1. UK-Education 2. UK-Higher education fraud
41.    Ware, Alan
The Great British Education ‘Fraud’ of the Twentieth and Twenty-First Centuries
The Political Quarterly,4, 2015: 475–484 ,86 , October-December
The role played by educational credentials in British labour market recruitment changed radically during the mid-twentieth century. Having higher or better credentials than others became a key determinant in selection for society's best-paid jobs. The resulting race for them has had perverse effects. A large minority of graduates earn no more than non-graduates or are in jobs for which they are ‘overeducated’. In various ways, the incentive to ‘stay ahead’ has prompted large expenditures by families to improve the qualifications a child obtains at school, while there is also now huge demand for postgraduate qualifications. Not only is there resulting social waste but also social injustice; while education was understood previously as a means of breaking down barriers to social mobility, it now has the opposite effect. This article explores the causes of these developments and outlines briefly how a new centre-left agenda for education might be constructed.
***1. UK-Education 2. UK-Higher education fraud 3. UK-Over education
42.    Kaufmann, Eric and Harris, Gareth
        “White Flight” or Positive Contact? Local Diversity and Attitudes to Immigration in Britain

Comparative Political Studies,12, 2015: 1563-1590 ,48 , October
Does the local presence of immigrant groups increase White hostility to immigration? Most research finds that diverse neighborhoods reduce White opposition to minorities and immigration. However, most studies at higher geographies find the reverse effect. We confirm this pattern for England and Wales for 2009-2012. Yet, contextual studies are open to selection bias, which is where this article makes its main contribution. Is White tolerance in diverse neighborhoods the result of a positive effect of inter-ethnic contact, or does it arise from White flight, with anti-immigrant Whites exiting diverse areas but remaining within wider geographies as radicalized opponents of immigration? We provide the first attempt we are aware of to track the opinions of in- and out-migrants, as well as stayers, from local areas over an extended period. We use 20 years of large-scale geocoded British longitudinal data and find only limited evidence of selection effects associated with White flight.
***1. UK-Elections 2. UK-Ethnicity and politics 3. UK-Voting behavior
      -FOREIGN POLICY        
43.    Bevir, Mark and Daddow, Oliver
        Interpreting foreign policy: National, comparative and regional studies

International Relations,3, 2015: 273-287 ,29 , September
This Special Issue advances an interpretive research programme into Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and International Relations by showcasing new work on the study of foreign policy and regional cooperation. This introductory article explains the rationale and contents of the Special Issue in three parts. The opening part explains how the contributions complement the broader study of ideas in FPA and International Relations through a critique of methodological positivism in the social sciences. The second part elaborates the theoretical framework used to cohere the collection, which centres on the study of ‘situated agents’ who, when confronted with policy dilemmas, draw on inherited traditions to inform their foreign policy practices. This is accompanied by a methods case study centring on David Cameron’s European Union referendum strategy, which is used to illustrate the practical ways in which one can conduct interpretivist research into foreign policy. In conclusion, we spell out how the contributors conducted their work to advance the interpretivist research programme.
***1. UK-Foreign policy 2. European Union referendum 3. David Cameron

44.    Daddow, Oliver
        Constructing a ‘great’ role for Britain in an age of austerity: Interpreting coalition foreign policy, 2010–2015

International Relations,3, 2015: 303-318 ,29 , September
This article interprets the ideational underpinnings of the British Conservative–Liberal coalition government’s foreign policy from 2010 to 2015. It uses qualitative discourse analysis of speeches, statements and policy documents to unpack the traditions of foreign policy thought which informed some of the key foreign policy practices of the coalition government. The analysis centres on the British identity constructed by liberal Conservatives, and the values and interests flowing from this baseline identity that the government’s foreign policy sought to express through its foreign policy. Liberal Conservative foreign policy is argued to have been an attempt to come to terms with the limits on Britain’s international agency in the face of three major foreign policy dilemmas: the legacy of the New Labour years, dramatically reduced economic resources in the ‘age of austerity’ and an increasingly restricted capacity for Britain to exercise ideational entrepreneurship in the international community. The article substantiates the claim in the extant literature that liberal Conservatism significantly adapted but did not restructure an established British foreign policy tradition of merging values and interests in complex ways.
***1. UK-Foreign policy 2. UK-Liberal Conservatism 3. David Cameron
45.    Peter Harris
        America's Other Guantánamo: British Foreign Policy and the US Base on Diego Garcia

The Political Quarterly,4, 2015: 507–514 ,86 , October-December
The British Indian Ocean Territory (BIOT) is one of Britain's most controversial Overseas Territories. Its indigenous people, the Chagossians, were exiled from their homes in the 1960s and 1970s so that BIOT could play host to a US military base on the island of Diego Garcia. Meanwhile, Diego Garcia has been tarnished by revelations regarding its role in the CIA's ‘extraordinary rendition’ programme and by allegations of torture. And earlier this year, an international tribunal ruled that the UK government had violated international law by pushing through a Marine Protected Area to cover the territory over and above the protestations of neighbouring states. In this article, I argue that allowing the resettlement of BIOT by the Chagossians would go a long way towards improving the way that the territory has been governed for the past five decades.
***1. UK-Foreign policy towards Diego Garcia 2. British Indian Ocean Territory 3. USA-Military base on Diego Garcia
      -NAVAL POLICY        
46.    Morgan-Owen, David
        A Revolution in Naval Affairs? Technology, Strategy and British Naval Policy in the ‘Fisher Era’

Journal of Strategic Studies,7, 2015: 944-965 ,38 , December
This article examines the applicability of the concept of ‘revolutions’ in warfare to the study of pre-First World War British naval history. It argues that by attaching an overt degree of importance to the role of technological change in affecting transformations in contemporary views of war-fighting, historians have overlooked many aspects of Admiralty policy that can be better understood in terms of continuity, rather than ‘revolution’.
***1. UK-Naval policy 2. UK-Arms race 
47.    Seligmann, Matthew S and Morgan-Owen, David
        Evolution or Revolution? British Naval Policy in the Fisher Era

Journal of Strategic Studies,7, 2015: 937-943 ,38 , December
This article outlines recent trends in the scholarship on the Royal Navy in the years preceding the outbreak of the First World War. It explains the evolution of the historiography on the topic and outlines how and why new approaches are required to progress our understanding of the topic henceforth.
***1. UK-Naval policy 2. UK-Naval history
      -NAVAL POLICY, 1911-14        
48.    Bell, Christopher M
        The Myth of a Naval Revolution by Proxy: Lord Fisher’s Influence on Winston Churchill’s Naval Policy, 1911–1914

Journal of Strategic Studies,7, 2015: 1024-1044 ,38 , December
Revisionist historians have argued that in July 1914 Britain’s First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, was preparing to implement a ‘Naval Revolution’ based on radical ideas they attribute to Admiral Sir John Fisher. This article examines Fisher’s influence on Churchill in 1911–14. By subjecting the revisionist argument to rigorous scrutiny, it demonstrates that Churchill did not embrace either ‘flotilla defence’ or the ‘battlecruiser concept’, the two central components of Fisher’s supposed radical agenda. On the eve of war, Churchill’s immediate goals were neither revolutionary nor inspired by Fisher. The weakness of the revisionists’ argument undermines their broad interpretation of naval policy during the Fisher era.
***1. UK-naval policy, 1911-14 2. UK-Naval revolution
49.    Szalai, Andras
        ‘Essentially sound and fundamental’: Historicizing the logic of deterrence in the counterforce debate

International Relations,3, 2015: 288-302 ,29 , September
Faced with the strategic uncertainties of the early nuclear age, the US Air Force (USAF) turned to civilian experts (defense rationalists) for help. Although the two communities shared the perception that science-based policies were required, the marriage of two distinct traditions – military and scientific – was not without conflict. Using an interpretivist approach, this article investigates this problematic reconciliation. It construes the realm of nuclear strategy-making as an interpretive enterprise where a multitude of ideas competed. Experts in this environment influenced policy decisions by rendering their ideas persuasive for their military ‘patrons’ through narrative framing devices. Within this conceptualization, bureaucratic dilemmas faced by the patron offered opportunities for experts to establish metaphorical correspondence between their tradition and the patron’s tradition. Such correspondence then lent ideas legitimacy and encouraged organizational support. As an illustration, an analysis is conducted on the role that hallmark RAND ideas on war limitation played in the so-called ‘counterforce’ debate in the early 1960s. This case suggests that the lasting impact of deterrence ideas had less to do with their correspondence to reality, than with their versatility as carriers of constructed ‘scientific’ and ‘rational’ storylines that gained traction within the USAF.
***1. USA-Counterforce 2. USA-RAND Corporation 3. USA-Military patrons
      -FOREIGN POLICY        
50.    Sondergaard, Rasmus Sinding
        Bill Clinton’s ‘Democratic Enlargement’ and the Securitisation of Democracy Promotion

Diplomacy and statecraft,3, 2015: 534-551 ,26 , September
Faced with creating a grand strategy for American foreign policy in the post–Cold War world, the Clinton Administration launched the strategy of ‘Democratic Enlargement.’ This analysis makes two contributions to the existing literature on the topic. First, it investigates the role of Wilsonianism and the ‘Democratic Peace Thesis’ in the discourse of the strategy of ‘Democratic Enlargement’ based on public speeches with a focus on the relationship between democracy and security. Second, it utilises securitisation theory to analyse how Clinton’s Administration used the linkage of democracy and security to legitimise humanitarian interventions in Haiti and Kosovo. By addressing ‘Democratic Enlargement’ in security terms, the Administration securitised democracy promotion and, thereby, created a discourse that helped legitimise a gradual move towards a more militaristic foreign policy during Clinton’s presidency. This discourse offered arguments later utilised by the George W. Bush Administration.
***1. USA-Foreign policy 2. USA-Democracy and security 3. Clinton's administration
51.    Martini, Nicholas F
        Foreign Policy Ideology and Conflict Preferences: A Look at Afghanistan and Libya

Foreign Policy Analysis,4, 2015: 417–434 ,11 , October
Existing research has shown that individuals have a fairly defined and consistent ideology when it comes to foreign policy. However, exploring how a foreign policy ideology influences more specific policy preferences is largely understudied. I apply this concept of a foreign policy ideology in understanding conflict preferences in the recent conflicts in Afghanistan and Libya. Results demonstrate that a foreign policy ideology has a strong influence on preferences in both conflicts, but that this influence is determined by the context of the interventions. This effect of a foreign policy ideology is even greater, at times, than that of the more traditional explanations.
***1. USA-Foreign policy ideology-Afghanistan 2. USA-Foreign policy ideology-Libya

Assi, Abbas19
Avendaño, Rolando10
Bachtold, Stefan23
Bell, Christopher M48
Bevir, Mark43
Bjelica, Jelena1
Bleck, Jaimie21
Bojicic-Dzelilovic, Vesna1
Brenton, Sir Tony27
Burange, L G15
Cantir, Cristian22
Daddow, Oliver43 - 44
Davis, Alexander E17
Dayton-Johnson, Jeff10
Elischer, Sebastian24
Escobar, Mariana1
Gaenssmantel, Frank11
Gelsing, Jeroen12
Harris, Gareth42
Hastings, Justin V3
Hellquist, Elin35
Houshisadat, Mohammad18
Hsu, Jennifer Y J13
Hucker, Daniel39
Ishkanian, Armine4
Johnston, Alison40
Kaufmann, Eric42
Kennedy, Ryan22
Koldunova, Ekaterina26
Kostovicova, Denisa1
Langan, Mark14
Lee, Sang Kook37
Lopez-Lucia, Elisa6
Lyon, Aisling20
Malito, Debora Valentina31
Martini, Nicholas F51
Matz, Johan36
McGovern, Mark25
Michelitch, Kristin21
Millar, Gearoid30
Mobrand, Erik34
Morgan-Owen46 - 47
Ostermann, Falk38
Pereira, Anthony W5
Peter Harris45
Phillips, Sarah G3
Ranadive, Rucha R15
Roberts, Philip8
Roberts, Sean P29
Routray, Sailen16
Seligmann, Matthew S47
Sondergaard, Rasmus Sinding50
Szalai, Andras49
Thakur, Vineet32
Vandeginste, Stef9
Wagner, Keith B33
Ware, Alan41
Wehner, Leslie E7
Wilson, Jeanne L28
Worrall, James19
Wyatt, Christopher2


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