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Foreign Affairs Records

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin (January 2016)

Ministry of External Affairs Library
Patiala House
New Delhi

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
(January 2015)


1.    McCarthy, Stephen
The limits of civil society in militarised regimes: evidence from the Asia-Pacific
Australian Journal of International Affairs,6, 2015: 711-728 ,69
The nature of civil society is transformed by a strong military presence, which occurs in the Asia-Pacific region. While modern civil society survives under military rule through co-optation, veiled resistance or geography, traditional organisations may continue to threaten the state's dominance of political society. This article examines the nature of civil society in two countries in the Asia-Pacific that have recently emerged from direct military rule—Burma and Fiji. It considers the independence of civil society under military rule, how militaries take steps to safeguard their roles in political society, and how democratic postures change during transitions away from military rule. Understanding how militaries preserve their influence provides a better perspective of authoritarian resilience in the region and the limits to democratic reforms.
***1. Asia-Pacific-civil society 2. Myanmar-Military rule 3. Fiji-Military rule 4. Fiji-Constitutional reforms
2.    McDonald, Matt
Australian Foreign Policy under the Abbott Government: Foreign Policy as Domestic Politics?
Australian Journal of International Affairs,6, 2015: 651-669 ,69
While foreign policy featured prominently on the Australian political agenda in late 2014, the manner of Australia's engagement with the world challenges the idea of a ‘pivot’ from domestic politics to foreign policy. In particular, the government demonstrated a tendency to prioritise domestic political considerations, in particular public opinion, in its dealings with the outside world. This was evident across a range of issue areas: from the ‘internationalist’ agenda of asylum, climate change and aid to more traditional concerns such as bilateral relations with Indonesia and international security. This article explores these dynamics and asks what implications this has for both Australian foreign policy and theoretical accounts of the role and desirability of public engagement with foreign policy in international relations thought.
***1. Australia-Foreign policy 2. Australia-Politics and government
3.    Day, Rowan
West Papua and the Australia-Indonesia relationship: a case study in diplomatic difficulty
Australian Journal of International Affairs,6, 2015: 670-691 ,69
This article is a study of West Papua's impact on the relationship between Australia and Indonesia. Its purpose is to enhance understanding of various diplomatic challenges emerging from West Papua, the origins of these challenges, and how they impact upon the relationship. This will be achieved through an analysis of a particular incident in 2006 in which 43 West Papuan refugees arrived in Australia. This led to a diplomatic storm between the Indonesian and Australian governments, and a highly charged public debate. Insights will be gleaned from the incident and its aftermath to broaden our understanding of West Papua's impact on the Australia-Indonesia relationship.
***1. Australia-Foreign relations-Indonesia 2. Australia-West Papuan refugees
      -FOREIGN POLICY        
4.    Schmidl, Erwin A
“Push” and “Pull” Factors in Foreign Policy: A Case Study of Austrian Participation in International Peace Operations, 1960–2015
Diplomacy and statecraft,4, 2015: 719-735 ,29
This analysis examines the evolution of Austrian participation in international peace—and peacekeeping—operations from 1960 to the present. In doing so, the emphasis is not on the missions themselves, nor the role played by Austrian contingents over the years in various theatres of operation.1 Rather, this exegesis scrutinises the political motivation behind the decision to deploy peacekeepers, to which extent these were conscientious decisions taken by the government for specific reasons, and the role played by other factors.
***1. Austria-Foreign policy 2. Austria-Peace operation 3. Austria-Peace process
5.    Piccolino, Giulia
Does democratisation foster effective taxation? Evidence from Benin
Journal of Modern African Studies,4, 2015: 557-581 ,53 , December
Fiscal sociology has alleged the existence of a mutually reinforcing effect between the emergence of representative government and effective taxation. This paper looks at Benin, a low-income country that successfully democratised in the early 1990s. It finds that Benin appears to have reinforced its extractive capacities since democratisation. However, the effect of democratisation has been indirect, while the influence of the International Financial Institutions (IFI) and the size of the country's informal sector have played a more direct role. Nevertheless, the hypothesis that effective taxation is based on a quasi-consensual relationship between the state and the taxpayers finds some confirmation.
***1. Benin-Tax reform 2. Benin-Democracy 3. Benin-Fiscal system
6.    Low, Choo Chin
Same System, Different Outcomes: Comparing the Implementation of Dual Nationality Treaties in East Germany and China
Europe-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1656-1684 ,67
Since 1955, one important trend regarding dual nationality was observable in East Germany and the People’s Republic of China (PRC): the official rejection of dual nationality itself. While East Germany’s effort in preventing dual nationality was motivated by the socialist nationality principles of its Eastern European allies, the PRC’s effort was aimed at ending its diplomatic isolation in the Southeast Asian region. In both states, bilateral treaties were preferred over national legislation in overcoming dual nationality. This article compares the implementation of a single nationality principle through bilateral treaties and suggests that the PRC’s effort was unsuccessful because it was confronted with unfavourable international circumstances compared to East Germany.
***1. China-Dual nationality 2. Germany-Dual nationality

7.    Xua, Guangdong
The Institutional Foundations of China’s Unbalanced Economy
Europe-Asia Studies,9, 2015: 1351-1370 ,67
China has become a fast-growing economy with an unbalanced economic structure. Economic policies, especially fiscal and financial policies, contribute to the current growth model by depressing household disposable income and reducing the social services provided by the government. Laws that have been used by the government to subsidise investment and production by distorting factor markets are also to blame. Finally, rebalancing China’s growth pattern has proven to be extremely difficult due to political obstacles, including pressure from interest groups, gridlock caused by factional politics, and ideological discrimination against private entrepreneurs.
***1. China-Economy 2. China-Fiscal policy 3. China-Economic development
8.    Holslag, Jonathan
Unequal partnerships and open doors: probing China’s economic ambitions in Asia
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2112-2129 ,36
One of the most important arguments with which China has sought to develop amicable relations with its neighbours has been the promise of economic benefits. Yet, this paper argues, these gains have remained limited. In spite of limited available data, the paper shows that China’s contribution to the rest of Asia’s GDP has been small and for most neighbours negative. Moreover, China is increasingly impelling those countries into partnerships that look unequal rather than equal. While Beijing has tried to mitigate frustration by promising to rebalance its economy and to create more export opportunities, the paper goes on to reveal that China is in fact readying itself to make another major push for exports itself and to pursue its own open-door policy.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Strategic trade-Asian Countries
9.    Li, Xiao and Ding, Yibing
From export platform to market provider: China’s perspectives on its past and future role in a globalised Asian economy
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2098-2111 ,36
Since the 1990s China’s development of a market-oriented economy and its engagement with globalisation have given it a role as the primary export platform of a globalised Asian economy. This has not only promoted the exports of capital and intermediate goods of the other leading Asian economies, but has also stabilised the fluctuations of the Asian economy and deepened the regional production networks in the US-dominated global economic system. As China is entering an economic ‘new normal’, its economic structure and growth pattern will experience a period of transition. Thus its role in the Asian economy and the global economic system will change. China’s new role as a market provider for the final consumer goods from the region might increase. China’s efforts to reform its domestic economy and develop regional economic cooperation arrangements will helpful in accomplishing this role change, but various uncertainties and contingencies might continue to pose obstacles for this process.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Economy 3. China-Economic cooperation-Asian Countries
10.    Liu, Debin and Yan, Zhen
Engaging with globalisation: Chinese perspectives
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2002-2022 ,36
China’s reform and opening-up process has coincided with the expansion of globalisation. Many people have expressed the belief that China has been the biggest winner in globalisation, and some of them even believe that the country has begun to take initiatives in globalisation instead of merely being affected by it. This article reviews the foundations of China’s engagement with globalisation, and shows how Chinese scholars have approached the study of globalisation for the past three decades. By further examining the Chinese authorities’ official stance, China’s changing identity and newly announced strategic initiatives, the article argues that the relationship between China and globalisation has undergone a certain transition, in which the country has been increasing its power and will to reshape and engage the process of globalisation.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Economic reform

11.    Liu, Shih-Diing
The new contentious sequence since Tiananmen
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2148-2166 ,36
In the aftermath of the crackdown in Tiananmen, China’s political landscape has witnessed a new protest cycle. Unrest has escalated as a consequence of the reconfiguration of the Party-state, which has to deal with an increasingly restive society. The protest politics since the 1990s has unfolded with a set of distinctively different patterns, dynamics and consequences alongside with the transformation of the Party-state. This paper gives an account of the emerging new contentious sequence, with an emphasis on how the transformation of the Party-state has facilitated the conditions for popular resistance. The distinctiveness of the new sequence rests in the ambivalent relationship and strategic engagement with the decentralised Party-state, which has increasingly accommodated mass protest to recapture regime legitimacy. Profound changes in state governance and state–society linkages, the central–local divide, as well as the socialist tradition have all combined to reshape the conditions for contemporary popular struggle in China.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Politics 3. China-Social forces
12.    Pieterse, Jan Nederveen
China’s contingencies and globalisation
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 1985-2001 ,36
Will China be able to rebalance its economy, heavily tilted towards investment? Will it be able to increase the share of household consumption in GDP? Will it turn steeply growing social inequality around? Will urbanisation contribute to China’s rebalancing or will it add to the imbalances? Will China manage to bring pollution under control? Such variables will determine whether China can move beyond the middle-income trap and also affect its external relations. In addition, China’s rebalancing is a variable in global rebalancing. This article provides an introduction to the special issue.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Economic rebalancing
13.    Shi, Xu
China’s national defence in global security discourse: a cultural–rhetorical approach to military scholarship
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2044-2058 ,36
China’s ascendancy in general and its military growth in particular have engendered mixed reactions the world over. This article takes up international academic discourse on China’s national defence and examines the ways in which recurring themes of China as a ‘regional threat’, ‘hostile East Asian power’, and as ‘untrustworthy’, as well as proposals of counter-strategies, are constructed in a case of an international journal publication. Proceeding from Cultural Discourse Studies (CDS), and especially the notion of rhetoric as morally oriented, the article shows that the ‘dangers’, ‘threats’ and ‘untrustworthiness’ of China are born, not out of presentations of facts or evidence, but out of particular rhetorical renderings of Western binary thinking and presumptions of ‘USA-as-guarantor-of-world-peace’ and ‘power-as-hegemony’. Further, it critiques from a CDS perspective the cultural bias and human consequences of these ways of thinking and speaking. The article ends with suggestions for culturally new ways of thinking and talking about the cultural Other and international relations more generally.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-National defence 3. Chinese culture
14.    Tang, Qingye and Li, Qing
Voicing the self: discursive representations of Chinese old-generation migrant workers

Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2167-2182 ,36
This study, drawing upon J. R. Martin’s appraisal theory, examines the discursive representations of self in a corpus of in-depth interviews with 15 Chinese old-generation migrant workers. Migrants represent self as aliens, outlanders, the suppressed and socially excluded, but with strong self-awareness and a definite self-categorisation. This study has implications for removing the stigma and stereotype against this group and enhancing their power of discourse. Also, with the voice being heard, the marginalised have the opportunity to resist forced identity and to contribute to building a bridge of sympathy, empathy, respect and understanding between the powerful and the powerless.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Social forces 3. China-Migrant workers

15.    Vukovich, Daniel
Illiberal China and global convergence: thinking through Wukan and Hong Kong
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2130-2147 ,36
This article examines the applicability of convergence thinking via two protests in southern China: the Wukan ‘uprising’ and the ‘Umbrella Revolution’. These failed to usher in ‘democracy’ in an unnamed, ‘Western’ procedural sense. Yet the global media events expose the limits of convergence thinking, both official/PRC and Western/liberal. In so far as convergence is also about hegemony and rivalry, the events also show the fading of the latter, liberal one and the rise of the Chinese state as something which must be reckoned with analytically. It is not that the Chinese version is truer but that its relative legitimacy and actuality must be used to further citizens’ ends. The challenge is to re-politicise the state and bureaucracy, and in this the villagers have a lesson for Hong Kong.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Democracy 3. China-Politics
16.    Xiao, Ren
A reform-minded status quo power? China, the G20, and reform of the international financial system
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2023-2043 ,36
This paper analyses the case of China in the G20 process and examines China’s position and policies on relevant issues, including international monetary system reform, reform of the international financial institutions (IFIs), international financial regulation, the future of the dollar, and internationalisation of the renminbi. My findings demonstrate that China has actively participated in the G20’s deliberations and actions, put forward its suggestions, sought an expanded share and voting power in the IFIs in correspondence with its rising status, and promoted the internationalisation of the renminbi. It does not aspire to overthrow this system within which it has prospered. In this sense China is a status quo power. Meanwhile China argues that the current international order is flawed and that there exist a number of unjust and unreasonable components. They have long needed to be changed. My conclusion is that China is not a complete but rather a reform-minded status quo power.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Economic reform 3. International financial system 4. G 20
17.    Yu, Dianfan and Zhang, Yajun
China’s industrial transformation and the ‘new normal’
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2075-2097 ,36
China’s industrial transformation faces four big roadblocks: the loss of traditional comparative advantage, weak domestic demand, low-end locking of the value chain, and structural and institutional obstacles. The shift of economic growth to structural upgrades, innovation and a service-based economy is the primary driving force required. China should implement four strategies. The first is to cultivate a new dynamic comparative advantage and inject new vitality for industrial transformation. The second is to let the market play a more decisive role and establish a long-term mechanism to expand domestic demand. The third is to promote the convergent development of global and national value chains, upgrading the value chain in horizontal and vertical axes. The fourth is to create an upgraded version of Chinese reform, manage the market with a pattern of negative listing and supervise the government with a pattern of positive listing.
***1. China-Globalisation 2. China-Economic growth 3. China-Industrial transformation
18.    Guo, Changgang and Zhang, Fengmei
Religion and social stability: China’s religious policies in the Age of Reform
Third World Quarterly,10, 2015: 2183-2195 ,36
Under a strongly entrenched and powerful regime since the Han Dynasty, China has formed a unique ‘state-lead, church-follow’ model, in which the secular regime always incorporates religious affairs into its national administration. The Chinese Communist Party’s religious policy has largely remained an inheritance of the practice dating back to ancient times. In response to the great ‘religious awakening’ in the age of reform, especially the political risks that religion was seen to pose after the downfall of the USSR and the disintegration of the Communist bloc in Eastern Europe, the Party proposed a policy of ‘management of religious affairs according to law’. This ‘self-centred’ policy is being challenged, yet is crucial to social and political stability.
***1. China-Religion 2. China-Religious policies 3. China-Church-state relations
19.    Goede, Meike J De
Mundele, it is because of you’ History, Identity and the Meaning of Democracy in the Congo
Journal of Modern African Studies,4, 2015: 583-609 ,53 , December
Since the signing of the Sun City peace agreement in 2002, the Democratic Republic of Congo has strived to democratise with limited success. This paper explores some of the challenges of the process of democratisation in the Congo. It does so not by looking at democratisation policies and practices, but by focusing on identity construction and how these identities manifest themselves in Congolese engagements with the process of democratisation as a process that is pursued in partnership with Western donors. The paper traces the construction of an understanding of democracy as a means to make an end to perpetual victimisation of Congolese people due to foreign interference in the Congo. The paper argues that the concept of democracy has acquired over time a meaning that creates a highly ambivalent engagement with the current democratisation process, and in particular with Western donors of this process, which are simultaneously perceived as the main obstacles to its successful realisation.
***1. Congo-Democracy 2. Congo-Politics and government
20.    Levy, Alexandra F
Promoting Democracy and Denazification: American Policymaking and German Public Opinion
Diplomacy and statecraft,4, 2015: 614-635 ,29
This analysis traces the evolution of the denazification programme in American-occupied Germany from 1945–1948. At the close of the Second World War, high-level American policy-makers proclaimed their determination to drive all Nazis out of power. However, the realities of denazification differed from American officials’ goals; additionally, their objectives in Germany dramatically changed over time. Monitoring German public opinion about the occupation, and keeping public opinion positive, proved of central importance to Military Government officials. They actively promoted denazification in an attempt to bolster German attitudes toward the programme. Using Office of Military Government of the United States documents, this analysis examines the decision to wind down the American denazification programme and shows that the decision came in April 1947 because of negative German public opinion. In place of denazification, American Military Government officials recommended increasing emphasis on reorientation.
***1. Germany-Democracy 2. Germany-Denazification 3. Germany-Foreign policy
21.    Brockington, Dan and Ponte, Stefano
The Green Economy in the global South: experiences, redistributions and resistance
Third World Quarterly,12, 2015: 2197-2206 ,36
As multiple visions for a Green Economy seek to become real, so are green economic initiatives in the global South multiplying. These can offer integration into wealth-generating markets – as well as displacement, alienation, conflict and opportunities for ‘green washing’. The articles included in this collection bring together a multidisciplinary team of scholars and a range of case studies, from forestry governance to tourism to carbon finance, to provide nuanced analyses of Green Economy experiences in the global South – examining the opportunities they provide, the redistributions they entail and the kinds of resistance they face.
***1. Global South Countries-Environmental policy 2. Global South Countries-Climate change 3. Global South Countries-Green economy 
22.    Death, Carl
Four discourses of the green economy in the global South
Third World Quarterly,12, 2015: 2207-2224 ,36
This article identifies four contrasting global discourses of the green economy in contemporary usage: green resilience, green growth, green transformation and green revolution. These four discourses are manifested in recent green economy national strategies across the global South, including in Ethiopia, India, South Korea and Brazil. Disaggregating these discourses is politically important, and shows their different implications for broader political economies of the green state in the global South.
***1. Global South Countries-Environmental policy 2. Global South Countries-Climate change 3. Global South Countries-Green economy
23.    Stroebel, Melanie
Tourism and the green economy: inspiring or averting change?
Third World Quarterly,12, 2015: 2225-2243 ,36
This paper investigates how tourism stakeholders conceptualise tourism in a green economy and how they foresee the transition to progress. With the meaning of a green economy remaining contested, the political agenda that the concept entails in a particular context can be far from clear. The paper provides a qualitative analysis of Towards a Green Economy and the publication Green Growth and Travelism to explore the implementation strategies and political agendas of tourism stakeholders. It outlines how stakeholders argue in line with international organisations that tourism can contribute to growth, development and poverty alleviation, while reducing environmental impacts. However, some researchers challenge the foundations of the green growth discourse. An exploration of these contradictions and of the political and economic implications of climate change leads the paper to argue that the particular framing of the green economy presents tourism in a way that sets the industry up for continued growth, while marginalising a much-needed radical transformation.
***1. Global South Countries-Environmental policy 2. Global South Countries-Climate change 3. Global South Countries-Green economy 4. Global South Countries-Tourism

24.    Frank, Tibor
The “Anglo-Saxon” Orientation of Wartime Hungarian Foreign Policy: The Case of Antal Ullein-Reviczky

Diplomacy and statecraft,4, 2015: 591-613 ,29
The political élite of Hungary included a group that expected British and American support for Hungarian revisionist claims after the Paris Peace Conference. Their acknowledged leader was Count István Bethlen, the prime minister from 1921 to 1931 and an adviser to Regent Vice-Admiral Miklós Horthy until 1944. This analysis investigates a largely forgotten member of this group. Antal Ullein- Reviczky, a diplomat and scholar, shifted from being a Hungarian nationalist with an anti-Nazi attitude towards secret efforts to establish political relations with Britain during the Second World War. Press chief of the Foreign Ministry and the prime minister’s office, Ullein-Reviczky’s last appointment was Hungarian minister at Stockholm in 1943–1944. Both the Germans and the British put little trust in a man whose wife was the daughter of a British diplomat, yet who maintained superb connexions in pro-German Hungary. He changed his mind gradually when he realised that the price for revising the Treaty of Trianon was unacceptable. His long journey through international politics made him a significant player in a global drama, also assisting Raoul Wallenberg’s mission to Budapest. It is a political odyssey worth remembering.
***1. Hungary-Foreign policy 2. Hungarian diplomat-Ullein-Reviczky
25.    Kim, Dae Soon and Swain, Nigel
Party Politics, Political Competition and Coming to Terms with the Past in Post-Communist Hungary
Europe-Asia Studies,9, 2015: 1445-1468 ,67
This article considers processes involved in coming to terms with the past in the early years of post-communist Hungary. It addresses the impacts of ‘soft’ late socialism, ‘negotiated’ post-socialist transition, and the intense inter-party and intra-party competition in which Hungary’s first democratically elected government operated. It concludes that claims that Hungary failed to confront the past in the early 1990s miss the mark. The past was confronted openly and aggressively by political actors, but the public will, as reflected in parliamentary legislation, was in favour of measures that resonated with ‘soft’ late socialism and a smooth post-socialist transition rather than political retribution.
***1. Hungary-Politics (Post-Communist) 2. Hungary-Parliamentary legislation 
26.    Astuti, Rini and McGregor, Andrew
Responding to the green economy: how REDD+ and the One Map Initiative are transforming forest governance in Indonesia
Third World Quarterly,12, 2015: 2273-2293 ,36
This paper analyses the technologies of government that proponents of the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation (REDD+) mechanism are adopting to influence forest governance in Indonesia. It analyses the aspects of forest governance being problematised; the solutions being constructed; and who is influencing the production and content of these solutions. The research focuses on three aspects of the One Map Initiative: the forest moratorium; forest licensing; and new standards in participative mapping. Our findings show that the initiative has created new opportunities and constraints for forest reform. New disciplinary and participatory technologies have emerged that have created political spaces for activists to actively promote social and environmental justice concerns. However, our analysis also shows tensions for forest stakeholders between engaging in the new opportunities of the green economy and the risk of having political issues rendered technical.
***1. Indonesia-Environmental policy 2. Indonesia-Green economy 3. Indonesia-Climate change 
      -ISLAMIST GROUPS        
27.    Hamdi, Saipul, Carnegie, Paul J and Smith, Bianca J
The recovery of a non-violent identity for an Islamist pesantren in an age of terror
Australian Journal of International Affairs,6, 2015: 692-710 ,69
This article examines the ways in which one of Indonesia's largest local, non-violent fundamentalist Islamist groups, Hidayatullah, has worked towards recovering a non-violent identity in the aftermath of allegations of terrorism made by the international community at the height of the War on Terror. Significantly, in international circles post-September 11, Indonesia's pesantren (Islamic boarding school) network more generally became associated with terrorism as they were seen as potential breeding grounds for Islamist extremism. Subsequently, allegations emerged implicating Hidayatullah as part of an extremist organised network linked to Jemaah Islamiyah and, by extension, Al Qaeda. The article demonstrates how, in the aftermath of the allegations, the group negotiated with the wider society and the state's national security laws on terrorism as it worked to recover its non-violent identity. In doing so, it also raises further questions about methodological practices in distinguishing between the heterogeneity and subjectivities within wider Islamist movements, especially in terms of militant and non-violent forms of Islamism.
***1. Indonesia-Islamist groups 2. Indonesia-Islamist pesantren 3. Indonesia-War on Terror
28.    Orkaby, Asher
The 1964 Israeli Airlift to Yemen and the Expansion of Weapons Diplomacy
Diplomacy and statecraft,4, 2015: 659-677 ,29
Based on oral history accounts of surviving members of Israel[#x02019]s first International Squadron and organisers of the military airlift to Yemen in 1964, this analysis examines the origins of the squadron, its mission to Yemen, and its impact on Israeli foreign policy in Africa. The founding of the International Squadron in 1963 incorporated the Boeing 377 Stratocruiser into the Israeli air force and gave the military and Foreign Ministry the country[#x02019]s first long-distance transport capability. The initial successful military airlift to Yemen in May 1964 opened the possibility for additional clandestine military aid missions to sub-Saharan Africa and Kurdistan and marked the beginning of an era of Israeli [#x0201C]weapons diplomacy.[#x0201D] The Squadron[#x02019]s incorporation of more advanced transport planes during the 1970s presented the Foreign Ministry with the capability of reaching Latin America and Asia, an essential factor in Israel[#x02019]s expanding global arms market and later humanitarian missions.
***1. Israel-Foreign policy-Yemen 2. Israel-Defence policy-Yemen 3. Israel-Weapon diplomacy-Yemen
      -PENSION REFORMS        

29.    Baba, Kaori
Power and Institutional Change Re-Reforms of Latin American Pension Systems in a Comparative Perspective
Comparative Political Studies,14, 2015: 1847-1878 ,48 , December
During the final decade of the 20th century, many Latin American countries enacted sweeping market-oriented pension reforms, introducing, at least partially, private pension system based on defined contributions and individual capitalization. Lately, however, many of these nations have witnessed shifts in the reformed pension schemes. Why have these “re-reforms” occurred? Why have they taken different forms in different countries? This study explores the causes of divergent policy outcomes of Latin American pension re-reforms from a comparative perspective. My theoretical framework emphasizes the following two factors: (a) the type of compromise made under the first-generation reforms and (b) the pension policymaking process. The inquiry developed in this study demonstrates the importance of a balance of power among pension stakeholders, which emerged as a legacy of long-term political processes.
***1. Latin America-Pension reforms 2. Latin America-Neoliberalism
      -POLITICAL ECONOMY        
30.    Luong, Pauline Jones and Sierra, Jazmín
The Domestic Political Conditions for International Economic Expansion: Lessons From Latin American National Oil Companie
Comparative Political Studies,14, 2015: 2010-2043 ,48 , December
The internationalization of emerging country national oil companies (NOCs) is one of the most surprising manifestations of state capitalism’s resurgence at the end of the 20th century. Existing research argues that structural changes at the international level and economic advantages at the domestic level created a uniform capacity across NOCs to internationalize in the 2000s. Yet, there is significant variation in the degree to which NOCs have expanded abroad. We argue that this cross-national variation is a product of two domestic political conditions: (a) whether the NOC emerged through a consensual or conflictual nationalization process and (b) whether NOC managers’ and the government’s interests regarding internationalization converged. We demonstrate our argument’s plausibility with three in-depth case studies—Brazil’s Petrobras, Mexico’s Pemex, and Venezuela’s PdVSA—and use three shadow cases—Columbia’s Ecopetrol, Malaysia’s Petronas, and Indonesia’s Pertamina—to explore its broader applicability.
***1. Latin America-Political economy 2. Latin America-National oil companies 3. Latin America-Business and politics
31.    Salverda , Tijo
(Dis)unity in Diversity: How Common Beliefs about Ethnicity Benefit the White Mauritian Elite
Journal of Modern African Studies,4, 2015: 533-555 ,53 , December
White Africans are particularly associated with the troubles South Africa and Zimbabwe have faced throughout their histories. The story of the Franco-Mauritians, the white elite of Mauritius, and how they have fared during more than forty years since the Indian Ocean island gained independence, is much less known. However, their case is relevant as a distinctive example when attempting to understand white Africans in postcolonial settings. Unlike whites elsewhere on the continent, Franco-Mauritians did not apply brute force in order to defend their position in the face of independence. Yet the society that emerged from the struggle over independence is one shaped by dominant beliefs about ethnicity. As this article shows, despite a number of inverse effects Franco-Mauritians have benefited from this unexpected twist, and part of the explanation for their ability to maintain their elite position lies therefore in the complex reality of ethnic diversity in postcolonial Mauritius.
***1. Mauritius-Ethnic Politics 2. Mauritius-Ethnicity
32.    Charnysh, Volha
Historical Legacies of Interethnic Competition: Anti-Semitism and the EU Referendum in Poland
Comparative Political Studies,13, 2015: 1711-1745 ,48 , November
How do historical legacies shape contemporary political outcomes? The article proposes a novel attitudinal mechanism through which distant interethnic competition can influence political preferences in the present. It theorizes that historically conditioned predispositions at the local level can moderate the effects of national-level framing of a policy issue. Using Poland as a test case, I show that subnational variation in support for EU accession was influenced by populist claims about the increase in Jewish influence in the postaccession period. Anti-Semitic cues resonated with voters in areas with historically large Jewish populations and a contentious interethnic past, where latent anti-Semitism persisted throughout the communist period. To provide evidence for this argument, the article draws on rich historical and contemporary data at the county, town, and individual level of analysis and utilizes novel research methods.
***1. Poland-European integration 2. Poland-East European politics 3. Poland-Ethnicity 
33.    Rodin, Johnny
Family, Health and Reproduction in Russia and Ukraine—in the Intersection between the Private and the Public

Europe-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1523-1526 ,67
***1. Russia-Biopolitics 2. Ukraine-Biopolitics 3. Russia-Public health 4. Ukraine-Public health
34.    Gradskova, Yulia
Managing the ‘Country’s Future’—Changing Ideas, Constraints and Perceptions of Preschools in Contemporary Russia Compared with the Soviet PastEurope-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1587-1605 ,67
The liberation of the family from the excessive control of the state, support of children’s moral values, the improvement of childcare, and overcoming the demographic crisis have all influenced recent discussions on preschool education and care in Russia. The essay analyses how different, and often conflicting, formulations of ‘public interests’ influenced preschool institutions in Russia during the last 25 years. The essay also seeks to explore contemporary evaluations of preschools in the context of the interpretations offered by public discussions and parents of the Soviet practice of childcare.
***1. Russia-Education and development 2. Russia-Family healtth 3. Russia-Preschool child care 
      -FAMILY HEALTH        
35.    Shpakovskaya, Larisa
How to be a Good Mother: The Case of Middle Class Mothering in Russia
Europe-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1571-1586 ,67
Contemporary motherhood in Russia is a complex discursive field. A mother is supposed to possess significant knowledge in such domains as medicine, paediatrics, child psychology and nutritional science. She must also be a competent consumer of goods and services for children in order to conform to common understandings of ‘good’ motherhood. In the Russian context parenthood is semantically more associated with motherhood, a legacy of Soviet gender policy and of contemporary Russian gender culture. The mother is perceived as the primary parent and the spokesperson acting on behalf of the child in his or her best interests. The actualisation of a mother’s identity represents a powerful symbolic and discursive instrument of legitimisation of women’s activity in the public sphere. Motherhood gives Russian women, especially those from lower classes, resources to improve their social status and to apply for numerous, albeit low, social allowances and benefits. At the same time, we know rather little about the way motherhood is produced on the subjective level and what discursive practices are at work in the process of Russian women becoming mothers.
***1. Russia-Family health 2. Russia-Reproductive health 3. Russia-Gender policy

      -FAMILY WELFARE        
36.    Larskaia-Smirnova, Elena, Romanov, Pavel and Yarskaya, Valentina
Parenting Children with Disabilities in Russia: Institutions, Discourses and Identities
Europe-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1606-1634 ,67
This essay aims to understand how the complex configurations of welfare shape and change the identity of carers, and the conditions and relations in the policy and practice of social care. It is based on the analysis of interviews with mothers of children with disabilities, collected in 2006 and 2008 in Russia, as well as analysis of more recent material in the public sphere (blogs and electronic mass media). In the interviews and blogs, women tell their stories about their experience of social exclusion and choice. The analysis shows how welfare institutions and discourses work to secure the well-being of citizens, to construct social inequality, to define the ways people think about normality and shape their identities and lives.
***1. Russia-Family welfare 2. Russia-Disability policy
37.    Temkina, Anna
The Gynaecologist’s Gaze: The Inconsistent Medicalisation of Contraception in Contemporary Russia
Europe-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1527-1546 ,67
This essay discusses the medicalisation of contraception by gynaecologists in present-day Russia. I explore the disciplining discourse and tactics of gynaecologists as experts who aim to orient women towards properly planned and prepared pregnancy. Gynaecologists are important agents of reproductive control because they instruct women in detail about reproductive health and contraception. However, these disciplining medical discourses and professional practices are characterised by inconsistency. In accordance with the demographic priorities of the state, doctors are more oriented towards pregnancy treatment than consultation on contraception, and they are inconsistent in their regulation of contraceptive use. This biopolitical regime reflects the demographic priorities of the Russian state—to increase the population of Russia—and the role of women as the primary objects of this policy.
***1. Russia-Geopolitics 2. Russia-Public health 3. Russia-Reproductive health
      -HEALTH AND FAMILY        
38.    Kravchenko, Zhanna, Stickley, Andrew and Koyanagi, Ai
Close Relationships Matter: Family Well-being and its Effects on Health in Russia
Europe-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1635-1655 ,67
Dramatic fluctuations have occurred in population health in Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Although many factors have been examined in connection with this, there has been little focus on the role of the family, despite evidence from Western studies linking family functioning to individual health. Using data from 1,190 respondents collected during the Moscow Health Survey 2004 we examined the association between family relations and health outcomes. Poorer family functioning was strongly associated with worse self-rated physical health and mental health. Our results suggest that the proximal social environment of the family is important for understanding health outcomes in contemporary Russia.
***1. Russia-Health and family 2. Russia-Family life
39.    Intigrinova, Tatyana
Production Efficiency and Beyond: Local Determinants in Russian Privatisation
Europe-Asia Studies,9, 2015: 1394-1415 ,67
This article analyses factors influencing rural households’ decisions to remain in collectives or separate from them during Russia’s post-socialist privatisation period in the 1990s. It argues that although decisions to remain in or separate from a collective were influenced by a number of factors, the dominant one was the households’ abilities to cope with independent production. These abilities were predetermined by the extent to which production was intensified in each collective. In Siberia less labour and capital intensive husbandry based on native herding that is well - adapted to the local environment, offered better chances of establishing viable economies, and thus greater incentives to split from a collective.
***1. Russia-Privatisation 2. Russia-Livestock husbandry
      -POLICE REFORM    
40.    Albrecht, Peter
The Chiefs of Community Policing in Rural Sierra Leone
Journal of Modern African Studies,4, 2015: 611-635 ,53 , December
This paper argues that when police reform in Sierra Leone was instituted to consolidate a state system after the country's civil war ended in 2002, it reproduced a hybrid order instead that is embodied by Sierra Leone's primary local leaders: paramount and lesser chiefs. In this sense, policing has a distinctly political quality to it because those who enforce order also define what order is and determine access to resources. The hybrid authority of Sierra Leone's chiefs emanates from multiple state-based and localised sources simultaneously and comes into play as policing takes place and police reform moves forward. This argument is substantiated by an ethnographic exploration of how and with what implications community policing has been introduced in Peyima, a small town in Kono District, and focuses on one of its primary institutional expressions, Local Policing Partnership Boards.
***1. Sierra Leone-Police reform 2. Sierra Leone-Local policing partnership boards
      -YOUTH VIOLENCE        
41.    Enria, Luisa
Love and Betrayal: The Political Economy of Youth Violence in Post-War Sierra Leone
Journal of Modern African Studies,4, 2015: 637-660 ,53 , December
Youth unemployment is often presented as a security risk in post-conflict countries, yet the relationship between labour market exclusion and engagement in violence remains little understood. This paper opens up one aspect of this relationship, analysing how the employment aspirations of Sierra Leone's marginal youth relate to their decisions to take part in political unrest. Telling the stories of urban youth involved to varying degrees in violent episodes shows how violence is used as a tactic to signal loyalty to political strongmen. Such loyalty is hoped to result in the establishment of relations of reciprocity that will offer a road to socially valued employment. Comparing the experiences of two groups of young people, similar in their socio-economic background and experience of violence but different in their collocation in political networks, reveals two things. Firstly, availability for violence was insufficient to achieve durable incorporation, as pre-existing social ties determined the nature of recruitment. Secondly, as even those embedded in politicians’ networks of reciprocity appeared ultimately unable to escape marginality, their experiences cast doubt on the expediency of using violence as a way into the labour market, making the exploitative nature of these relations starkly evident.
***1. Sierra Leone-Youth violence 2. Sierra Leone-Political Economy
42.    Marcatellia, Michela
Suspended redistribution: ‘green economy’ and water inequality in the Waterberg, South Africa
Third World Quarterly,12, 2015: 2244-2258 ,36
In this article I show how ideas and practices of ‘green economy’ can reproduce and even naturalise inequality in water access for local users. Evidence to support my argument is drawn from the Waterberg region in the Limpopo Province of South Africa. Following the demise of apartheid and the appeal of the green economy, the Waterberg has been ‘reinvented’ as a wildlife destination. Whereas game farms enjoy secure water supply, the rural poor relocated to the small town of Vaalwater suffer severe water shortages. The article questions the mainstream view according to which game farms have no relationship to the water problems in town. Rather, I suggest that by conceiving and managing water as a private commodity deriving from land ownership and largely unregulated by the state, green economy initiatives contribute both materially and discursively to hampering more equality in water redistribution.
***1. South Africa-Environmental policy 2. South Africa-green economy 3. South Africa-Climate change
43.    Setton, Guy and Rein, Raanan
Is an Embassy Really Necessary? Israeli–Spanish Relations in the 1960s
Diplomacy and statecraft,4, 2015: 678-695 ,29
Spanish–Israeli relations expanded across numerous fields throughout the 1960s despite the absence of formal diplomatic ties. For all practical purposes, Israel’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs had a legation in Madrid during the second half of the 1960s, including at least 3 semi-official representatives operating with the full knowledge of Madrid. Clandestinely, a Mossad station worked in liaison with the local intelligence services. Absence of a full-fledged Israeli embassy did not prevent advancing bilateral ties, normalising Jewish affairs in Spain, or preventing both Powers from engaging in official and public occasions or behind the scenes. Systemic pressure, most evident in Madrid’s ascension to GATT, and the need to abide with its rules by liberalising trade with Israel did much to advance Spanish–Israeli bilateral ties in the 1960s. A strong systemic external force also brought change in their relations in the 1980s. The diplomatic breakthrough of January 1986 and establishment of full formal diplomatic relations between the Powers was largely the inevitable result of Spain’s entry into the European Economic Community.
***1. Spain-Foreign relations-Israel 2. Spain-Bilateral relations-Israel 
44.    Dowd, Caitriona
Grievances, governance and Islamist violence in sub-Saharan Africa
Journal of Modern African Studies,4, 2015: 505-531 ,53 , December
What explains the emergence of Islamist violence as a substantial security threat in such diverse contexts as Kenya, Mali and Nigeria? This article addresses this question through an exploration of the strategies of governance employed by states, and how these shape the emergence and mode of collective violence. Conflict research often emphasises the specificity of Islamist violence; but these conflicts can be understood as a form of political exclusion and grievance-based violence, comparable to other forms of political violence. Further, violent Islamist groups emerge from local conditions: the areas in which groups are established share similar local experiences of governance and political marginalisation; a history of violent conflict on which Islamist militants capitalise; and key triggering events expanding or reinforcing state exclusion. These findings challenge a narrative emphasising the global, interconnected nature of Islamist violence. This article pairs data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Dataset (ACLED) with Afrobarometer survey data and case study evidence to identify drivers of Islamist violence across three African countries.
***1. Sub Saharan Africa-Governance 2. Sub Saharan Africa-Islamist violence i

45.    Olwig, M F et. at.
Inverting the moral economy: the case of land acquisitions for forest plantations in Tanzania
Third World Quarterly,12, 2015: 2316-2336 ,36
Governments, donors and investors often promote land acquisitions for forest plantations as global climate change mitigation via carbon sequestration. Investors’ forestry thereby becomes part of a global moral economy imaginary. Using examples from Tanzania we critically examine the global moral economy’s narrative foundation, which presents trees as axiomatically ‘green’, ‘idle’ land as waste and economic investments as benefiting the relevant communities. In this way the traditional supposition of the moral economy as invoked by the economic underclass to maintain the basis of their subsistence is inverted and subverted, at a potentially serious cost to the subjects of such land acquisition.
***1. Tanzania-Environmental policy 2. Tanzania-Green economy 3. Tanzania-Forestry governance
46.    Ingram, Haroro J
The strategic logic of Islamic State information operations
Australian Journal of International Affairs,6, 2015: 729-752 ,69
Drawing on English and Arabic Islamic State (IS) communiqués produced by its central media units, wilayat information offices and broader supporter base, this study examines the strategic logic of IS information operations (IO). It argues that the overarching purpose of IS's IO campaign is to shape the perceptions and polarise the support of audiences via messages that interweave appeals to pragmatic and perceptual factors. Pragmatic factors—such as security, stability and livelihood—are leveraged in IS messaging by promoting the efficacy of its politico-military campaign and denigrating its enemies’ efforts via rational-choice (logic of consequence) appeals. Perceptual factors—which are tied to the interplay of in-group, Other, crisis and solution constructs—are leveraged via identity-choice (logic of appropriateness) appeals that frame IS as the champion of Sunni Muslims (the in-group identity), its enemies as Others complicit in Sunni perceptions of crisis, and IS as the only hope for solving this malaise. With this approach, IS seeks to resonate its message across a diverse ‘glocal’ constituency and supercharge supporters towards action. IS simultaneously targets its enemies with messaging that manipulates the inherent dualities underlying perceptual and pragmatic factors, vigorously counters criticisms and ‘baits’ opponents into ill-conceived IO responses.
***1. Terrorism 2. Islamic State-Information operations
47.    Bilgin, Pinar and Ince, Basak
Security and citizenship in the global South: In/securing citizens in early republican Turkey (1923–1946)
International Relations,4, 2015: 500-520 ,29 , December
The relationship between security and citizenship is more complex than media portrayals based on binary oppositions seem to suggest (included/excluded, security/insecurity), or mainstream approaches to International Relations (IR) and security seem to acknowledge. This is particularly the case in the post-imperial and/or postcolonial contexts of global South where the transition of people from subjecthood to citizenship is better understood as a process of in/securing. For, people were secured domestically as they became citizens with access to a regime of rights and duties. People were also secured internationally as citizens of newly independent ‘nation-states’ who were protected against interventions and/or ‘indirect rule’ by the (European) International Society, whose practices were often justified on grounds of the former’s ‘failings’ in meeting the so-called ‘standards of civilization’. Yet, people were also rendered insecure as they sought to approximate and/or resist the citizen imaginaries of the newly established ‘nation-states’. The article illustrates this argument by looking at the case of Turkey in the early Republican era (1923–1946).
***1. Turkey-Citizenship 2. Turkey-Security 3. Turkey-Civilization
48.    Nel, Adrian
The neoliberalisation of forestry governance, market environmentalism and re-territorialisation in Uganda
Third World Quarterly,12, 2015: 2294-2315 ,36
There is often a disjuncture between idealised forestry governance models which posit a ‘win-win for community and environment’ through participatory, multi-stakeholder international development discourses and interventions – and the actually existing processes and structures of natural resource government through which they are articulated. By applying, first, established theorisations of the initial territorialisation of state forestry territory, then conceptualisations of re- and de-territorialisation, derived from Deleuzo-Guattarian formulations, this paper expands on post-structuralist lines of inquiry on the political ecology of forestry to explore substantive transformations in forestry governance in Uganda. It specifically details the role that market environmentalism – the extension of market mechanisms, including carbon forestry, to natural resource governance – plays in reorienting assemblages of actors engaged in forestry governance and in changing configurations of state forestry territory.
***1. Uganda-Environmental policy 2. Uganda-Climate change 3. Uganda-Forestry governance
49.    Samokhvalov, Vsevolod
Ukraine between Russia and the European Union: Triangle Revisited
Europe-Asia Studies,9, 2015: 1371-1393 ,67
Ukraine has long been considered as a bone of contention between the EU and Russia which could eventually lead to a geographical split of the country. This interpretation, however, fails to explain the dynamic of the Ukrainian revolution and Russian–Ukrainian war. To address the deadlock in understanding the mixed dynamics of the situation in Ukraine, the article argues that the relations in the EU–Ukraine–Russia triangle are affected by the combination of choices that the Ukrainian political class, business elites and broader society make in four major dimensions: internal political practices; economic dimension; a dimension of international politics; and an ideological dimension.
***1. Ukraine-Controversial issues-Russia 2. Ukraine–Russia–EU triangle 3. EU–Deep and comprehensive free trade area-Ukraine

50.    Wesolowski, Katharina
Prevalence and Correlates of the Use of Contraceptive Methods by Women in Ukraine in 1999 and 2007
Europe-Asia Studies,10, 2015: 1547-1570 ,67
This essay examines the prevalence and the correlates of the use of contraceptive methods in Ukraine in 1999 and 2007. Between those years, the overall use of contraceptive methods decreased slightly. However, the use of modern contraceptive methods, and especially the use of condoms, increased considerably, while the use of traditional contraceptive methods decreased. Higher exposure to messages about family planning in the media was correlated with the use of modern contraceptive methods. It is posited that the results suggest that state policies influence individual behaviour in contraception.
***1. Ukraine-Reproductive health 2. Ukraine-Family health
51.    Bellamy, Alex J and Hunt, Charles T
Twenty-first century UN peace operations: protection, force and the changing security environment
International Affairs(UK),6, 2015: 1277–1298 ,91 , November
United Nations peace operations are deployed in greater numbers to more difficult operating theatres in response to more complex conflict situations than ever before. More than 100,000 UN peacekeepers are deployed in missions mandated under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to use ‘all necessary means’ to protect civilians from direct harm as well as to achieve a host of other tasks such as supporting the (re)building of state institutions, facilitating humanitarian aid, and overseeing compliance with ceasefire agreements and political commitments. With increasing regularity, UN peacekeepers are instructed to complete these tasks in contexts where there is no peace to keep or where peace is fragile. To understand these changes, and the implications for UN peace operations, this article examines three key transformations: the emergence of the protection of civilians as a central mission goal (and accompanying principles of due diligence); a subtle move away from peacekeeping as an impartial overseer of peace processes towards the goal of stabilization; and a so-called ‘robust turn’ towards greater preparedness to use force. It identifies the challenges posed to contemporary UN peacekeeping operations by these transformations and evaluates the UN's efforts thus far to make peacekeeping fit for purpose in the twenty-first century, noting that while significant progress has been made in areas such as policy and guidance, force sustainment and deployment, and the application of force enablers, there remains a considerable way to go.
***1. United Nations-targeted sanction 2. UN peace operations
52.    Weiss, Thomas G
The United Nations: before, during and after 1945
International Affairs(UK),6, 2015: 1221–1235 ,91 , November
The 70th anniversary of the signing and entry into force of the United Nations Charter provides a good moment to revisit the conditions under which Allied governments decided to establish the second generation of intergovernmental organization. The wartime commitments to defeating fascism and multilateralism made the establishment of the world organization a logical outgrowth of the wartime origins and the best guarantee of peace and prosperity. Ironically, the ideals of Immanuel Kant were found to be essential to the Hobbesian objective of state survival; multilateralism was a powerful strategy and not merely liberal window-dressing. That historical backdrop is complemented by two largely invisible variables from that time—the role of ideas and of non-state actors—which have since been driving change in the world organization. A future research agenda suggests ways to lift the UN from its current doldrums. Many of the debates and operational activities in the United Nations beginning in the 1970s reflected two topics—interdependence and the proliferation of actors—which profoundly affected what, since the 1990s, we have come to call  ‘global governance’. On the positive side, these preoccupations helped us move towards a better understanding of a very complex world. On the downside, they also tend to celebrate unduly the ability of non-state actors and ignore the crucial role of intergovernmental organizations.
***1. United Nations-Targeted sanction 2. United Nations-Security council 3. United Nations-History
53.    Eriksson, Mikel and Wallensteen, Peter
Targeting sanctions and ending armed conflicts: first steps towards a new research agenda
International Affairs(UK),6, 2015: 1387–1398 ,91 , November
Capitalizing on the newly released dataset on United Nations sanctions and armed conflicts, this article raises the question whether targeted sanctions have an impact on the dynamics of armed conflicts, and, if they do, in what way. To answer this question the authors correlate UN sanctions policies to measures related to armed conflict in the period 1991–2013. This is done by systematizing and analysing data produced by the UN Targeted Sanctions Consortium (TSC) and the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP). It is a first attempt to deal with questions such as the relationship between UN targeted sanctions and armed conflict type, conflict termination and conflict outcome (victory, peace agreements, etc.). The article demonstrates that there are several instances where the UN has decided not to impose targeted sanctions, although the conditions were similar to those cases that saw such action. There is a tendency to use targeted sanctions only in certain types of conflicts. The authors suggest that this is partly rooted in the structure of the UN as an inter-state organization. Thus, sanctions are more of a political instrument than has perhaps been recognized in sanctions research to date.
***1. United Nations-Targeted sanctions 2. United Nations-Smart sanctions 3. United Nations-Armed conflicts
54.    Scott, Shirley V 
Implications of climate change for the UN Security Council: mapping the range of potential policy responses
International Affairs(UK),6, 2015: 1317–1333 ,91 , November
Over the last decade there has been an evolving debate both within the United Nations and within the scholarly literature as to whether it would be feasible, appropriate and/or advantageous for the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to consider climate change to be within its remit. Given that irreversible global warming is under way and that this will inevitably have multiple global security implications—and indeed, that the Council has to some degree already addressed the issue—such a debate has become anachronistic. What is needed at this stage is nuanced analysis of how this complex policy issue may have already impacted, and may in future impact, the function and functioning of the Council. This article first reviews key variables that need to be taken into account in moving beyond a binary discussion of whether or not the Security Council should consider climate change. It then maps four broad categories of possible UNSC response, spanning from rejection of any involvement through to the Council using its Chapter VII powers and functioning as the peak body in respect of global climate change governance. It then places developments to date within those categories and concludes by considering the prospects for an increased UNSC role in the future.
***1. United Nations-Targeted sanctions 2. United Nations-Climate change 3. UN Security Council 
55.    Albertus, Michael
The Role of Subnational Politicians in Distributive Politics: Political Bias in Venezuela’s Land Reform Under Chavez
Comparative Political Studies,13, 2015: 1667-1710 ,48 , November
This article examines how the partisanship of empowered subnational politicians can affect within-district benefit distribution. I present a theory of the role of subnational politicians in distributive politics, and then test this theory on a distributive Venezuelan land reform initiative by leveraging unique individual-level data on revealed voter preferences and the receipt of particularistic benefits. Using data from a list of millions of voters who signed petitions to recall former President Chávez, I match information on recent land grant applicants to petition signers to measure how political preferences affect the likelihood of applying for and receiving land, and how state governors condition this relationship. I find evidence for both strategic core voter targeting and blockage of benefits to opposition voters. These effects, however, are modified by the political affiliation of governors. The findings point to the importance of considering how intervening subnational politicians influence distributive politics, particularly under federal structures.
***1. Venezuela-Political economy 2. Venezuela-Subnational politics 3. Venezuela-Land reform
56.    Orellana, Pablo de
Struggles over identity in diplomacy: ‘Commie terrorists’ contra ‘imperialists’ in Western Sahara
International Relations,4, 2015: 477-499 ,29 , December
How does diplomacy recognise the political identity of international actors? Drawing on critical approaches, this article analyses the development of identities in diplomatic communications concerning the Western Sahara conflict from the early 2000s to the present. It argues that a failure to question relationships between identities as projected in diplomatic sources and those of global threats like Islamic terrorism is a crucial driver behind the stalemate. The analysis demonstrates that Frente Popular de Liberación de Saguía el Hamra y Río de Oro (POLISARIO) and Morocco became subsumed into the binary identities of the War on Terror due to the dominance of concerns about terrorism pervading diplomatic communication. Morocco played a significant role in this identification through textual interventions that linked POLISARIO identity to concerns about terrorism, gaining significant agency in the articulation of US and French policy on the conflict. This case illustrates how representations of identity in diplomatic communication in relation to dominant policy concerns grant actors agency for policy outcomes.
***1. Western Sahara-Diplomacy 2. Western Sahara-Terrorism

Albertus, Michael55
Albrecht, Peter40
Astuti, Rini26
Baba, Kaori29
Bellamy, Alex J51
Bilgin, Pinar47
Brockington, Dan21
Carnegie, Paul27
Charnysh, Volha32
Day, Rowan3
Death, Carl22
Ding, Yibing9
Dowd, Caitriona44
Enria, Luisa41
Eriksson, Mikel53
Frank, Tibor24
Goede, Meike J De19
Gradskova, Yulia34
Guo, Changgang18
Hamdi, Saipul27
Holslag, Jonathan8
Hunt, Charles T51
Ince, Basak47
Ingram, Haroro J46
Intigrinova, Tatyana39
Kangalawe, R45
Kim, Dae Soon25
Koyanagi, Ai38
Kravchenko, Zhanna38
Larskaia-Smirnova, Elena36
Levy, Alexandra F20
Li, Qing14
Li, Xiao9
Liu, Debin10
Liu, Shih-Diing11
Low, Choo Chin6
Luoga, E45
Luong, Pauline Jones30
Marcatellia, Michela42
McCarthy, Stephen1
McDonald, Matt2
McGregor, Andrew26
Nel, Adrian48
Noe, C45
Olwig, M F45
Orellana, Pablo de56
Orkaby, Asher28
Piccolino, Giulia5
Pieterse, Jan Nederveen12
Ponte, Stefano21
Rein, Raanan43
Rodin, Johnny33
Romanov, Pavel36
Salverda , Tijo31
Samokhvalov, Vsevolod49
Schmidl, Erwin A4
Scott, Shirley V54
Setton, Guy43
Shi, Xu13
Shpakovskaya, Larisa35
Sierra, Jazmín30
Smith, Bianca J27
Stickley, Andrew38
Stroebel, Melanie23
Swain, Nigel25
Tang, Qingye14
Temkina, Anna37
Vukovich, Daniel15
Wallensteen, Peter53
Weiss, Thomas G52
Wesolowski, Katharina50
Xiao, Ren16
Xua, Guangdong7
Yan, Zhen10
Yarskaya, Valentina36
Yu, Dianfan17
Zhang, Fengmei18
Zhang, Yajun17


-Pacific-civil society1
-Foreign policy2
-Foreign relations-Indonesia3
-Foreign policy4
-Tax reform5
-Dual nationality6
-Globalisation8 - 17
Global South
-Environmental policy21 - 23
-Foreign policy24
-Politics (Post-Communist)25
-Environmental policy26
-Islamist groups27
-Foreign policy-Yemen28
Latin America
-Pension reforms29
-Political economy30
-Ethnic Politics31
-European integration32
-Education and development34
-Family health35
-Family welfare36
-Health and family38
Sierra Leone
-Police reform40
-Youth violence41
South Africa
-Environmental policy42
-Foreign relations-Israel43
Sub Saharan Africa
-Environmental policy45
-Environmental policy48
-Controversial issues-Russia49
-Reproductive health50
United Nations
-Targeted sanction52
-targeted sanction51
-Targeted sanctions53 - 54
-Political economy55
Western Sahara


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