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Foreign Affairs Records

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin, March 2016



1. Barfield, Thomas
  Afghanistan’s Arduous Search for Stability
  Current History, 115(780), 2016(April): 130-143
  “What divides Afghans more than ethnicity or ideology is an unwillingness to share power and a winner-takes-all approach to politics.”
  **Afghanistan-Government stability; Afghanistan-International aid; Afghanistan-Lack of
  Control No : 42739

2. Baldino, Daniel and Carr, Andrew
  Defence diplomacy and the Australian defence force: smokescreen or strategy?
  Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(2) , 2016: 139-158

The practice of military-to-military engagement has been strongly embraced in the last few decades as a central tool for strategic management. Many governments in the Asia-Pacific, including Australia, have accepted the practice as an instrument of statecraft to achieve comprehensive strategic outcomes: as a means of defusing tensions,  reducing hostility and shaping the behaviour of states towards each other. This article   examines Australia's broad approach and practice, and argues that such transformative ambitions are overstated. The evidence suggests that the benefits from defence diplomacy   are evident at the tactical and operational level. It is a mode to deal with precise and immediate security issues, as opposed to the moulding of major strategic settings. This   indicates the need to better recognise the limitations and conceptual flaws of defence   diplomacy, and to reformulate Australian defence channels and related engagement   prescriptions towards a more cautious, pragmatic and ultimately security-related stance.   Through the use of case-study analysis, this research identifies both opportunities and   constraints in conducting defence diplomacy, while offering guidelines for its future implementation in the region.

  **Australia-Defence diplomacy; Australia-Defence force
Control No : 42758

  3. Corbett, Jack and Dinnen, Sinclair
Examining recent shifts in Australia's foreign aid policy: new paradigm or more incremental change?
Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(1) , 2016: 87-103

  On taking office in late 2013, the incoming Abbott government proclaimed the advent of a new aid paradigm. This article asks whether or not this is the case. It does so by situating the new coalition policy in the context of more than two decades of development thinking. Focusing on the way Australian aid policy reflects trends in both global development and geopolitical discourses, the article parses out continuity and change. It finds that Australia's new aid paradigm is in fact largely the old aid paradigm reincarnate, with aid policy continuing to follow the well-established parameters outlined over decades of global thinking and practice that emphasise the significance of private-sector-led economic growth. However, while the overarching paradigm remains relatively intact, incremental change is also apparent, including alterations to the geographic focus, level and administration of the program.

  **Australia-Foreign aid policy; Australia-Foreign policy; Australia-Economic growth             
Control No : 42755

4. Abbott, Malcolm and Esposto, Alexis
Australia's foreign policy links with Latin America: distant relations
Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(1) , 2016: 69-86

In more recent years, Australia's relations with the countries of Latin America have taken on more importance as the trade and investment links between the two regions have grown. Besides this recent activity, Australia has a long history of diplomatic relations with the countries of Latin America, even though the links between the two regions have at times been fairly superficial. This relationship, like many others, has tended to concentrate on mainly trade relations and, despite Latin America's often turbulent political history, has not been affected much at all by political issues. The purpose of   this article is to analyse the development of foreign policy links between Australia and   the countries of Latin America in their formulative stage between 1901 and 1973.

  **Australia-Foreign policy-Latin America; Australia-Foreign relations-Latin America
  Control No : 42754

5. Brown, Kerry and Bretherton, Hannah
  Australian relations with China and the USA: the challenge of grand strategies
  Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70( 1) , 2016: 1-5

Australia seems to have condemned itself to a template of its relations with the USA and China where security assurances reside with the former and economic with the latter. But this veneer of stability is misleading. Over the last decade, successive Australian prime ministers have ranged from describing China as a ‘true friend’ (Rudd in 2008) to one towards whom it feels ‘fear and greed’ (Abbott in 2014). This range betrays a policy void where the dominant Australian psyche is plagued by a perceived lack of power and fatalism. Policy towards China has become the victim of shifting ephemeral political trends driven by volatile emotions rather than a stronger, more level-headed long-term strategic vision.
  **Australia-Foreign relations-China; Australia-Foreign relations-USA
  Control No : 42750

6. Abimbola, Seye et. at.
Australian higher education scholarships as tools for international development and diplomacy in Africa
Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(2) , 2016: 105-120
International scholarships for higher education are a large component of foreign aid in many high-income countries, including Australia. The aims for Australian scholarships awarded to African students are to achieve development in Africa and advance the influence of Australia. However, well-articulated theories of change that define how scholarships are linked to these and other outcomes are not available in the literature.  In order to address this gap, the authors explore the perspectives of Australian-funded Master's-level alumni from Kenya, Uganda and Mozambique on the implementation process before, during and after their scholarship award, and the outcomes of the scholarships. The authors found that Australian scholarships to Africans have the potential to spread Australian influence, and that returnee scholars, by virtue of their study in Australia, gain the capacity to become agents for development in their country. The process of choosing scholarship awardees, the local circumstances in each country on return, and support and mentoring networks after return can influence the achievement of these outcomes. Investments in international scholarships should be directed to develop additional skills and facilitate networks in order to further prepare the returnee scholars to influence development in their country and perpetuate Australian influence.

  **Australia-Higher education; Australia-diplomacy-Africa; International scholarships
  Control No : 42756

7. Satake, Tomohiko
The Japan-Australia contribution to a liberal and inclusive regional order: beyond the
  ‘China gap’
  Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(,1) , 2016: 24-36

This article discusses how Japan and Australia could contribute to a liberal and inclusive order in the Asia-Pacific region. Critics argue that closer ties between Japan and Australia could undermine the stability of regional security, dividing Asia into ‘mutually hostile armed blocs’ consisting of US allies and China. Contrary to such a view, this article argues that deepening and enhancing Japan–Australia security cooperation could, if carefully managed, help to maintain an inclusive regional order based on institutions, norms and values, as well as a stable balance of power relation. In particular, the article contends that Japan and Australia can contribute to regional order by strengthening their ‘middle-power cooperation’ through regional capacity-building, institution-building, rule-making or norm-setting, and coalition-building, while supporting the US military presence in the region. It then concludes that, despite differing attitudes towards Beijing, Tokyo and Canberra can further contribute to the longevity of the current regional order by inclusive institutional architecture and liberal norms and values.

  **Australia-Security partnership-Japan; Australia-Middle power cooperation-Japan; Asia-Pacific security
Control No : 42752

  8. Kersten, Rikki
  Contextualising Australia–Japan security cooperation: the normative framing of Japanese security policy
Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(,1) , 2016: 6-23

On July 1, 2014, Prime Minister Shinzō Abe's cabinet commenced a historic transformation of post-war Japan's security policy by overturning previous interpretations of the constitution's pacifist clause, Article 9. The Cabinet Decision on the Development of Seamless Security Legislation to Ensure Japan's Survival and Protect Its People stated that collective self-defence was consistent with the constitution and, consequently, Japan would immediately develop a more proactive and less constrained security policy. But while this outcome may seem sensible and overdue from a realist perspective of Japan's standing as a mature democratic nation in an increasingly difficult geopolitical situation, the manner in which it is being enacted may seriously undermine the normative legitimacy of Japan's new security identity. In this article, the author examines how Shinzō Abe's administration has attempted to shape the norms surrounding security policy revision in Japan, and how these norms, in turn, have affected or constrained Abe's  agency. This is done with specific reference to the external contexts of the USA's ‘rebalance’ policy and the deepening of Japan's security relationship with Australia, with a view to anticipating how normative turmoil might impact on the potential of this relationship.

**Australia-Security policy-Japan; Australia-Security relations-Japan
Control No : 42751    

9. Schreer, Benjamin
Australia's ‘special strategic relationship’ with Japan: another ‘China choice’?
Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(,1) , 2016: 37-49

In July 2014, Australia's new Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzō Abe, elevated the status of bilateral ties to a ‘special strategic relationship'. Both sides also agreed on intensifying their defence technology cooperation, including in the submarine space. As well, Prime Minister Abbott called Australia a ‘strong ally’ of Japan. Yet, the prospect of a further strengthening of Australia–Japan defence relations has led to criticism by Australian strategic commentators. In particular, critics argue that closer strategic relations with Japan could damage Australia's ties with a rising China. In a worst-case scenario, Australia might even become ‘entrapped’ in a Sino-Japanese conflict. However, this argues that a closer defence relationship is in Australia's strategic interests in the face of China's increasing challenge to the rules-based order in the region. China's uncompromising position in the South China Sea and its more assertive behaviour have led to a greater congruence of threat and risk assessment between Australia and Japan. Indeed, Australia and Japan are increasingly facing a security dilemma vis-à-vis China, albeit to varying degrees. Therefore, for Australia, promoting Japan's ‘security normalisation’ contributes to regional stability. As well, the article points out that closer strategic ties with Japan do not automatically come at the expense of Sino-Australia relations. China's leverage to ‘punish’ Australia for unwanted strategic behaviour is limited, and concerns about entrapment’ in a Sino-Japanese war are exaggerated. However, the more China exerts coercive diplomacy, the closer Australia–Japan defence relations are likely to become.

  **Australia-Strategic relationship-Japan; Australia-Defence  relations Japan; Australia–Foreign relations-China
Control No : 42753

10. Shah, Aqil
Democracy Deadlocked in Bangladesh
Current History ,115(,780) , 2016(April): 130-135
"The prospects for successful democratic consolidation in Bangladesh will depend on the political elites’ ability to abandon their zero-sum rivalry and demonstrate commitment to democratic norms in their attitudes and behavior.”

** Bangladesh-Politics and government; Bangladesh-Democracy; Bangladesh-National identity; Bangladesh-Intolerance

Control No : 42740

11. Warikoo, K
Central Asia and South Asia: Opportunities and Challenges
India Quarterly ,72(,1) , 2016( March): 1-15

India and Central Asia have shared a geo-cultural affinity and a long tradition of historical contacts that dates back to antiquity. There is convergence of views an interests between the Central Asian Republics and India, on fundamental issues such as; (a) need to maintain social harmony and equilibrium by promoting inter-ethnic harmony and peaceful co-existence; (b) commitment to secularism and democracy and opposition to religious fundamentalism; (c) recognition of threat to regional security and stability from trans-border terrorism, arms and drug trafficking, religious extremism and ethnic-religious secessionism; (d) commitment to the principles of territorial integrity of nation states and inviolability of state borders; (e) promoting economic, scientific and cultural cooperation and (f) ensuring peaceful and tranquil neighbourhood in Afghanistan. The Central Asian Republics, being cautious and wary of dominating influence of the powerful neighbours like Russia and China look towards India as a friend and partner, which does not have any political or territorial ambitions in the region. India is also expected to play a balancing role in the big power games in Central Asia.

  ** Central Asia-Trade relations-South Asia; South Asia-Trade and transit; Karakoram highway
  Control No : 42761

12. Payette, Alex
Local Confucian Revival in China: Ritual Teachings, ‘Confucian’ Learning and Cultural Resistance in Shandong
China Report ,52(1) , 2016(February): 1-18

Since the early 1980s, China has witnessed a progressive Confucian revival, especially in the academic and cultural spheres. In particular, since the early 2000s, there has been a progressive expansion of Confucian groups arising from local initiatives all over China in the form of local colleges and study halls. Using four previously unexplored sites, this article studies the multiple modalities of local Confucian revival in the province of Shandong. Through interviews and extensive discussion with members of these groups, we have uncovered a strong adherence to Confucian elements and a convenient religiosity through ritual performances. Therefore, this article not only agrees with previously conducted studies on the revival of Confucianism in China but also adds new empirical elements supporting their conclusions. Finally, this article introduces the ‘Countryside Confucianism experiment’, its current meaning and ties to the ongoing local Confucian resurgence in the province of Shandong as well as its shared identity ‘closure’ characteristics, prevalent among some of these local sites’ narrative.

  **China-Contemporary confucianism; China-Countryside confucianism; China-Cultural resistance
Control No : 42711

13. Uberoi, Patricia
Problems and Prospects of the BCIM Economic Corridor
China Report ,52(,1) , 2016(February): 19-44

This article takes a critical look at the new Chinese ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) or ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) for 21st century Eurasian connectivity and economic integration from the perspective of the proposed Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC). The BCIM-EC is a sub-regional cooperation project that aims to link the land-locked provinces of southwest China with eastern India and the Bay of Bengal through northern Myanmar, India’s northeast region, and Bangladesh. However, within months of being mooted in May 2013, the BCIM-EC was yoked to another connectivity initiative, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and the two encompassed within President Xi Jinping’s grand vision for a new overland and maritime Silk Road. As of now, India has (i) endorsed the BCIM-EC, (ii) rejected the CPEC and (iii) maintained studied silence on the OBOR initiative per se. Where does that conundrum leave the BCIM-EC? And to what extent, if at all, can India leverage OBOR to its own advantage?

**China-Economic corridor; Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar Economic
  Corridor; China-Maritime silk route; India–China State/Provincial Leaders’ Forum
Control No : 42712

14. Hameiri, Shahar and Jones, Lee
Rising powers and state transformation: The case of China
European Journal of International Relations ,22(1) , 2016(March): 72-98

This article draws attention to the transformation of statehood under globalisation as a crucial dynamic shaping the emergence and conduct of ‘rising powers’. That states are becoming increasingly fragmented, decentralised and internationalised is noted by some international political economy and global governance scholars, but is neglected in International Relations treatments of rising powers. This article critiques this neglect, demonstrating the importance of state transformation in understanding emerging powers’ foreign and security policies, and their attempts to manage their increasingly transnational interests by promoting state transformation elsewhere, particularly in their near-abroad. It demonstrates the argument using the case of China, typically understood as a classical ‘Westphalian’ state. In reality, the Chinese state’s substantial disaggregation profoundly shapes its external conduct in overseas development assistance and conflict zones like the South China Sea, and in its promotion of extraterritorial governance arrangements in spaces like the Greater Mekong Subregion.
**China-Economic development; China-Foreign policy; China-Security policy
Control No : 42722

15. Jiang, Junyan and Yang, Dali L
Lying or Believing? Measuring Preference Falsification From a Political Purge in China
Comparative Political Studies ,49(,5) , 2016(April): 600-634

Despite its wide usage in explaining political dynamics of non-democracies, preference falsification remains an empirical myth for students of authoritarian politics due to the challenge of measurement. We offer the first quantitative study of this phenomenon in a non democratic setting by exploiting a rare coincidence between a major political purge in Shanghai, China, and the administration of a nationwide survey in 2006. We construct two synthetic measures for expressed and actual political support and track their changes before and after the purge. We find that the purge caused a dramatic increase in expressed support among Shanghai respondents, yet the increase was paralleled by an equally evident decline in actual support. We interpret this divergence as evidence for preference falsification and conduct a number of robustness checks to rule out alternative explanations. We also show that falsification was most intense among groups that had access to alternative information but were vulnerable to political sanctions.

**China-Politics; China-Non-democratic regimes
Control No : 42718
16. Wong, Seanon S
Emotions and the communication of intentions in face-to-face diplomacy
European Journal of International Relations ,22(1) , 2016(March): 144-167

Countries often seek to resolve their disputes through negotiations. However, diplomats meeting face to face are under the incentives both to cooperate by revealing one’s preferences and to compete by misrepresenting them. How, then, do they express and assess each other’s intentions? Theories of International Relations that have studied communication in diplomacy — structural realism, rationalism, and the theory of communicative action — offer insufficient answers. To break through, I highlight the communicative function of emotions, leveraging insights from the latest research on negotiations in social and experimental psychology. I argue that when diplomats negotiate, they pay attention not only to what others say, but also to their emotional cues. One’s choice of words, tone of speech, and hand and body gestures carry emotive information that reflects how one appraises a situation. Diplomacy is therefore unique as a conduit between states because it enables practitioners to exchange individual-level expressions of intentions — and, by extension, the intentions of the government they represent — that are otherwise lost, attenuated, or distorted if communications were to occur through other impersonal and irregular channels. To illustrate my argument, I discuss episodes of face-to-face diplomacy during the Fashoda Crisis (1898), July Crisis (1914), Cuban Missile Crisis (1962), and US–Syria negotiations on the Middle East (1991).
**Diplomacy; International relations theory; US–Syria negotiations on the Middle East, 1991
Control No : 42724

17. Kaplan, Robert D
Eurasia's Coming Anarchy: The Risks of Chinese and Russian Weakness
Foreign Affairs ,95(,2) , 2016(March-April): 33-41

China and Russia may forge a tactical alliance based on their compatible authoritarian systems and aimed at managing their frontier areas and standing up to the West.

** Eurasia-Economy; China-Economic Cooperation-Russia; Russian economic power
Control No : 42725

18. Maxwell, Rahsaan
Cultural Diversity and Its Limits in Western Europe
Current History ,115(,779) , 2016(, March): 95-101

  “The next generation of diverse Europeans will inhabit a world in which cultural mixtures are standard and historical nation-states are the starting points rather than the final  definition of culture.”

**Europe-Cultural diversity; Western Europe-Cultural diversity; Europeanization
  Control No : 42746
19. Sierp, Aline
  Drawing Lessons from the Past Mapping Change in Central and South-Eastern Europe
  East European Politics and Societies ,30(,1) , 2016(, February): 3-9
  This introductory article to the special section on “Europe’s Changing Lessons from the Past” argues for a close analysis of acts of public remembrance in Central and Eastern European countries in order to uncover the link between the issue of public memory and  long-term  processes of democratisation. In countries facing a period of transition after the experience of war and dictatorship, the debate over its memory is usually as much a debate about a divisive past as it is about the future. While it is part of a sensitive political scrutiny that is related to different ideas on how to ensure sustainable peace, it also provides the basis for the recreation of a common sense of belonging and identity. The often resulting coexistence of different memory traditions creates two clearly identifiable levels of conflict: one on the national level and one on the supranational one. In mapping change in Central and Eastern Europe, this special section aims at making the connections between the two visible by on the one hand questioning the   sociological turn in Memory and EU Studies and on the other, pinpointing the necessity to concentrate on processes and not only on their results.
**Europe-Public remembrance; Central and Eastern Europe-Public remembrance; European Union
Control No : 42720


20. Helbling, Marc and Traunmuller, Richard
How State Support of Religion Shapes Attitudes Toward Muslim Immigrants New Evidence From a Sub-National Comparison
Comparative Political Studies ,49(3) , 2016(March): 391-424

This article argues that governments play a considerable role in shaping citizens’ attitudes toward Muslim immigrants through the way they regulate religion. European democracies are far from secular, and matters of religious regulation cannot be reduced to abstract values or constitutional clauses. Under conditions of high state support of religion, accommodating new religious minorities involves not only the changing of
existing rules but also giving up on long-standing traditions and everyday habits. As a result, citizens see religious newcomers as a threat to their way of life and react with animosity to their practices and demands. We support our argument by combining newly designed survey items with original data on religious regulation in 26 Swiss cantons. Our findings contradict the extant literature and have important implications for the democratic challenges in Europe, the quality of modern immigration societies, and the role of religion in democracy more generally.

  **Europe-Religion and politics; Europe-Muslim Immigrants
  Control No : 42715
21. Guerrina, Roberta and Wright, Katharine A M
Gendering normative power Europe: lessons of the Women, Peace and Security agenda
International Affairs(UK) ,92(,2) , March(2016): 293–312

The European Union is seen to operate at the international level by promoting ideas and values, rather than by exerting military or economic power. As a gender actor, the EU has played a key role in the development of formal equality, which is presented as a foundational principle of European integration. It therefore follows that normative power Europe should seek to promote these values in external affairs. This article interrogates the role of the EU as a normative gender actor in relation to its implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, set out in UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and related resolutions. Documentary analysis will be supplemented by a detailed assessment of speeches and public statements about the role of the EU as a gender actor in external affairs. This data will be used to assess whether there is a disjuncture between the dominant narrative about gender equality as a fundamental value of the EU and the actions of the organization. It will also allow us to assess whether gender mainstreaming is a tool for public diplomacy or has made a significant change to the way the external relations agenda is formulated and implemented. Additionally, the article will draw attention to the institutional obstacles to the EU performing a role as a gender actor in external affairs. It identifies a critical tension between framing the WPS resolutions as an extension of the EU's equality on the one hand, and understanding that gender mainstreaming is a mere policy tool in international affairs. In doing so, it highlights how competing institutional demands can ultimately undermine core values (e.g.equality) when they are used instrumentally.

** Europe-Women peace and security; United Nations-Women peace and security; European
  Union-Women peace and security; UN Security Council
  Control No : 42731

22. Müller, Jan-Werner
The EU’s Democratic Deficit and the Public Sphere
Current History ,115(779) , 2016( March): 83-88

  “The EU will not become something like a traditional nation-state anytime soon, and no supranational public sphere is likely to ever replace national public spheres.” Fifth in a series on public spheres around the world.
** European Union-Democracy; European Union-democratic deficit; Europeanization
Control No : 42744
23. Grzymala-Busse, Anna
An East-West Split in the EU?
Current History ,115(779) , 2016(March): 89

  “Eastern Europe remains poorer and less democratically experienced than Western Europe, but there are as many differences within the regions as between them.”

**European Union-expansion; Eastern Europe; Western Europe; European Union-Political culture; European Union-economic interests
Control No : 42745

24. Schreurs, Miranda A
Perspective: Is Germany Really an Environmental Leader?
Current History ,115(779) , 2016(March): 114-116

  The Germans have been early adopters of green standards, and the state has set ambitious renewable-energy targets. But industrial lobbies can still thwart regulations, as the Volkswagen scandal revealed.

**Germany-Environmental policy; Germany-Green culture
Control No : 42749
25. Matsaganis, Manos
  To the Brink and Back in Greece
  Current History ,115(,779) , 2016(March): 108-113

  “[O]rdinary Greeks intuitively understood better than many outsiders that the country had little future cut off from Europe.”

** Greece-Economic growth; Greece- economy; Greece-Anti-bailout camp; Tsipras
Control No : 42748

26. Bano, Sayeeda and Paswan, Nawal K
  New Zealand–India Trade Relations and Growth Potential: An Empirical Analysis
  India Quarterly, 72(1) , 2016(, March): 50-74
  This study examines the bilateral trade relations between New Zealand and India from 1990 to 2014. Using export and import intensity indices and revealed comparative advantage (RCA) indices, it identifies sectors where there is static and dynamic comparative advantage and  complementarities. It also examines the extent and movement of intra-industry trade (IIT), using IIT indices, and analyses these indices to consider how trade patterns and relations have changed between 1990 and 2014. Findings show that trade between New Zealand and India has increased in recent years. The intensity of trade has strengthened, and there has been growth in IIT for a number of industries and product groups. Results also suggest high degree of static and dynamic comparative advantage in a number of product groups. The findings of this study should be relevant to future bilateral trade, economic relations, technology transfer and cultural exchange between New Zealand and India.

**India- Trade relations-New Zealand; India-trade intensity; International trade
Control No : 42763

27. Chandra, Kanchan
  Caste, Representation, and Enduring Inequality
  Current History,115(780) , 2016(April): 150-153

  “Although the majority of elected members of Parliament in India now come from subaltern categories, they belong to parties that are dominated by the Hindu upper castes.”

  ** India-Politics and government; India-Subaltern politics; India-Subaltern groups; India-Vemula’s death
  Control No : 42742
28. Rajagopal, Arvind
  The Rise of Hindu Populism in India’s Public Sphere
  Current History, 115(780) , 2016(April): 123-129

  “The public sphere of debate and discussion predicated on transparency has given way to a public sphere of image and spectacle.” Sixth in a series on public spheres around the world.

**India-Politics and Government; India-Religious politics; India-Hindu populism
Control No : 42738

29. Lally, Jagjeet
Crafting Colonial Anxieties: Silk and the Salvation Army in British India, circa
  Modern Asian Studies ,50(3), 2016(May): 765-807

In the early twentieth century, the Salvation Army in British India transformed its public profile and standing, shifting from being an organization seen by the state as a threat to social order, to being partner to the state in the delivery of social welfare programmes. At the same time, the Army also shaped discussion and anxieties about the precarious position of India's economy and sought to intervene on behalf of the state—or to present itself as doing so—in the rescue of India's traditional industries. The Army was an important factor in debates about the future of traditional industries such as silkworm rearing and silk weaving, and was able to mobilize public opinion to press provincial governments for resources with which to try to resuscitate and rejuvenate India's silk industry. Although the Army's sericulture initiatives failed to thwart the decline of India's silk industry, they generated significant momentum, publicity, and public attention, to some extent transforming the Army's standing in British India and beyond.

**India (British)-Salvation army; British India-Salvation army
Control No : 42727
30. Cowen, Tyler
  Is Innovation Over?: The Case Against Pessimism
  Foreign Affairs ,95(2) , 2016( March-April): 42-46

  **International economy; USA-Economy
  Control No : 42726
31. Summers, Lawrence H
The Age of Secular Stagnation: What It Is and What to Do About It
Foreign Affairs, 95(2), 2016(March-April): 2-9

An expansionary fiscal policy by the U.S. government can help overcome the secular stagnation problem and get growth back on track. An expansionary fiscal policy can reduce national savings, raise neutral real interest rates, and stimulate growth. Secular stagnation increases the danger of competitive monetary easing and even of currency wars.
**International Economy; USA-Economy; USA-Fiscal policy
Control No : 42723
32. Basu, Titli
Decoding Japan’s Security Discourse: Diverse Perspectives
India Quarterly, 72(1) , 2016( March): 30-49
East Asian theatre is fast evolving. China’s arrival as a major power in international politics is altering the existing regional balance of power and intensifying Japan’s quest for securing a rightful place in the international system. Japan is reacting to the asymmetrical power politics and Shinzo Abe is increasingly becoming restless in attempting to redefine Japan’s secondary power identity. This requires undoing the limitations that were forced on Japan in the post-war period, including the constitutional restrictions, especially the pacifist clause. Amid fiercely contested domestic debate, reinterpreting the pacifist constitution is certainly a bold step towards infusing clarity in Japan’s future security role. The key objective is to convey to Japan’s allies concerning the manner the SDF will cooperate with the US and other regional powers, such as Australia, India,  Philippines, etc. How this ‘limited’ right to collective self-defence will translate into operation will remain to be seen. To understand the rapidly unfolding policy shift, it is imperative to understand the different waves of the debate on collective self-defence and deconstruct the recent
cabinet decision; explore the arguments of the competing schools of thought in Japan; examine the nuances and drivers that propelled Japan to redefine its passive constitution; and understand how regional and extra-regional powers evaluate this policy reorientation. Few regional stakeholders raised an alarm over the approach adopted by Abe to achieve the policy objective underscoring his militarist ambitions. While the aggressive historical baggage has caused considerable unease, it is premature to be alarmed over Japan’s shifting security posture as possible re-militarisation is unlikely to represent the traits of Imperial Japan.

**Japan-Security policy; Japan-Collective self-defence
Control No : 42762
33. Horowitz, Jeremy
The Ethnic Logic of Campaign Strategy in Diverse Societies: Theory and Evidence From  Kenya
Comparative Political Studies ,49(,3) , 2016(March): 324-356

Much of the existing ethnic politics literature suggests that in settings where ethnicity is politically salient, electoral competition encourages rival parties to focus narrowly on mobilizing their respective core ethnic constituents, a strategy that exacerbates ethnic divisions and may heighten the risk of conflict. This article develops an alternative account of campaign strategy that proposes that in highly diverse societies, an exclusive focus on core mobilization is likely to be an unattractive strategy. It argues that campaigns will be animated principally by the pursuit of swing voters outside of core strongholds, while the mobilization of core ethnic supporters will be delegated to lower level actors. To support these propositions, the article draws on data collected during Kenya’s 2007 presidential election.

**Kenya-Election campaign; Kenya-Ethnic politics
Control No : 42714
  LATIN AMERICA            
34. Niedzwiecki, Sara
Social Policies, Attribution of Responsibility, and Political Alignments: A Subnational Analysis of Argentina and Brazil
Comparative Political Studies ,49(,4) , 2016(March): 457-498

This article assesses how the political context shapes policy implementation in decentralized countries. It finds that effective implementation of non-contributory social policies depends on political alignments across different territorial levels. Subnational units governed by the opposition hinder the implementation of national policies, but only if the policy carries clear attribution of responsibility. On one hand, conditional cash transfers have clear attribution of responsibility and thus, pose risks for opposition subnational governments, who, as a result, have incentives to obstruct such policies. On the other hand, in social services, attribution of responsibility is blurred, and therefore their implementation is not shaped by political alignments. By analyzing policy implementation, disaggregating social policies, and incorporating multilevel political alignments, this article contributes to theories of the welfare state and multilevel governance. The empirical foundation includes an analysis of the factors that shape the successful implementation of social policies in Argentina and Brazil through a combination of pooled time-series analysis and extensive field research.

**Latin America-Subnational politics; Brazil-Social welfare policies; Argentina-Social welfare policies
Control No : 42716

35. Snellinger, Amanda
Perspective: Nationalism and Exclusion in Postwar Nepal
Current History, 115(780) , 2016( April): 154-156

Nepal’s new constitution was supposed to cap a momentous decade that saw the end of the monarchy and civil war. But identity politics and economic discontent have called national unity into question.

**Nepal-Nationalism; Nepal-Politics and government; Nepal-Madhesi movements
Control No : 42743

36. Magbadelo, John Olushola
Reforming Nigeria’s Federal Civil Service: Problems and Prospects
India Quarterly ,72(1) , 2016( March): 75-92

Successive Nigerian administrations have pursued one variant of reform or another in the federal civil service since the country’s attainment of political independence. Yet, the federal civil service, as an essential organ of the executive arm of the government, still requires more reforms. The problems that instigated the introduction of a series of reforms in the federal civil service in 1999 consequent upon the inauguration of the
democratic government included erosion of public service ethics, ageing workforce, poor succession planning, inappropriate organisational structures, unproductive work operations, lack of competent leadership, etc. However, these problems are currently the same problems facing the federal civil service after 16 years of implementation of reforms by the government of Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP). However, the emergence of a new government with its populist and progressive policy thrust, the rising awareness among civil servants, the global obligation of the Nigerian government to public service reforms, the proven efficacy of the ballot as an instrument for effecting change of government, coupled with the readily available support of donor agencies, which together, have the prospects of creating the right political atmosphere for the implementation of requisite reforms in the Nigerian federal civil service with utmost efficiency and likelihood of success.

**Nigeria-Civil service; Nigeria-Public service reforms
Control No : 42764


37. Weiss, Anita
Can Civil Society Tame Violent Extremism in Pakistan?
  Current History ,115(780) , 2016( April): 144-149
“[L]ocal people acting within civil society groups are responding to violent religious extremism in unprecedented ways.”

**Pakistan-Civil society groups; Pakistan-Rural support programs network; Pakistan-Bacha Khan trust; Pakistan-NGOs
Control No : 42741

38. Ahmar, Moonis
The Dynamics of Pakistan’s Intra-national Security: The Role of the New Provinces
  India Quarterly ,72(,1) , 2016(, March): 16-29

The debate and discourse to change the provincial map of Pakistan by creating new provinces is not a new phenomenon and is considered as a major challenge to intra-national security and to the centripetal forces who still want Pakistan to be a unitary/centralised state instead of a federal state. What is intra-national security and how can the issue of creating new provinces have a major impact on the dynamics of national security at different levels? When compared with national security, which deals with the whole country, intra-national security relates to contradictions and variations in the security dynamics and paradigms in different parts of the country. Pakistan as a multiethnic, multilingual, multicultural and multi-religious state can effectively deal with issues of security if intra-national security is accepted as a reality and is beyond the scope of national security. Matters and issues relating to different regions of Pakistan located in its provinces can at best be understood in terms of intra-national security. If the approach of major power stakeholders in Pakistan is positive, and they wish to peacefully address issues that cause friction, instability, chaos, disorder and violence in different provinces because of social, economic and political injustices, they must seriously consider proposal to upgrade existing divisions of Pakistan into provinces. For that matter, proper brainstorming by the concerned stakeholders including civil society groups needs to be done so that consensus is reached on the methodology to create new provinces in Pakistan.

  **Pakistan-Internal Security; Pakistan-Intra national security; Pakistan-National Finance Commission
Control No : 42760

39. Reuter, Ora John et. at.
  Local Elections in Authoritarian Regimes: An Elite-Based Theory With Evidence From
  Russian Mayoral Elections
  Comparative Political Studies ,49(5) , 2016(April): 662-697

Why do authoritarian regimes permit elections in some settings but not in others? Focusing on the decision to hold subnational elections, we argue that autocrats can use local elections to assuage powerful subnational elites. When subnational elites control significant political resources, such as local political machines, leaders may need to co-opt them to govern cost-effectively. Elections are an effective tool of co-optation because they provide elites with autonomy and the opportunity to cultivate their own power bases. We test this argument by analyzing variation in the decision to hold mayoral elections in Russia’s 207 largest cities between 2001 and 2012. Our findings suggest that Russian mayoral elections were more likely to be retained in cities where elected mayors sat atop strong political machines. Our findings also illustrate how subnational
elections may actually serve to perpetuate authoritarianism by helping to ensure elite loyalty and putting the resources of powerful elites to work for the regime.

** Russia-Elections; Russia-Non-democratic regimes
Control No : 42719
40. Frye, Timothy and Yakovlev, Andrei
Elections and Property Rights: A Natural Experiment From Russia
Comparative Political Studies ,49(4) , 2016( March): 499-528

The relative bargaining power of rulers and right holders is thought to be a key determinant of property rights, but because it both shapes and is shaped by property rights, it is difficult to estimate the impact of bargaining power on property rights. We take advantage of a natural experiment by comparing the responses of managers interviewed just before and just after a surprising parliamentary election in Russia that weakened the relative bargaining power of the ruling party. This electoral shock had little impact on the perceived property rights of the average firm, but firms with close economic ties to the state viewed their property as more vulnerable after the election. By exploiting largely exogenous variation in the timing of survey interviews, we estimate the impact of bargaining power on property rights with greater precision. We also contribute to the literature on elections under autocracy by focusing on their economic, rather than political, impacts on individuals.

**Russia-Political economy; Russia-Elections; Russia-Voting behavior
Control No : 42717

41. Juan, Alexander De  
Extraction and Violent Resistance in the Early Phases of State Building Quantitative Evidence From the “Maji Maji” Rebellion, 1905-1907
Comparative Political Studies ,49(3) , 2016(March): 291-323

  Does extraction increase the likelihood of antistate violence in the early phases of state-building processes? Although research has focused on the impacts of war on state building, the potential “war-making effects” of extraction have largely been neglected. The article provides the first quantitative analysis of these effects in the context of colonial state building. It focuses on the “Maji Maji” rebellion (1905-1907), the most  substantial incidence of anticolonial violence in Eastern Africa. Analyses based on a new historical data set confirm the correlation between extraction and resistance. More importantly, they reveal that distinct strategies of extraction produced distinct outcomes. Although the intensification of extraction in state-held areas created grievances among the population, it did not drive the rebellion. Rather, the results indicate that the expansion of extractive authority threatened the interests of local elites and provoked effective resistance. This finding provides insights into the mechanisms driving the “extraction–coercion cycle” of state building.

  ** Tanzania (German Eastern Africa)-State building; Tanzania (German Eastern Africa)-Maji Maji rebellion
Control No : 42713

42. Aistrope, Tim
Social media and counterterrorism strategy
Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(2) , 2016: 121-138

  With the rise of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), the issue of domestic radicalisation has taken on renewed significance for Western democracies. In particular, attention has been drawn to the potency of ISIS engagement on social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook. Several governments have emphasised the importance of online programs aimed at undermining ISIS recruitment, including the use of state-run accounts on a variety of social media platforms to respond directly to ISIS messaging. This article assesses the viability of online counter-radicalisation by examining the effectiveness of similar programs at the US State Department over the last decade. The article argues that governments attempting to counter online radicalisation of their domestic populations must take seriously the significant shortcomings of these State Department programs. The most relevant issue in this regard is the recurring problem of credibility, when the authenticity of government information is undercut by the realities of foreign policy practice, and existing perceptions of hypocrisy and duplicity are reinforced in target audiences.

**Terrorism; Social Media-Counterterrorism strategy; Islamic state of Iraq and Syria
Control No : 42757

43. Wallis, Joanne, Jeffery, Renee and Kent, Lia
Political reconciliation in Timor Leste, Solomon Islands and Bougainville: the dark side of hybridity
Australian Journal of International Affairs ,70(2) , 2016: 159-178

In recent years, the study and practice of political reconciliation has experienced a turn to hybridity. This turn has been defined by the increased rate at which liberal international and local peacebuilding practices, and their underlying ideas, have become merged, integrated or co-located in time and space. While hybrid approaches to reconciliation have been praised as an effective means of engaging local populations in peacebuilding operations, little attention has been paid to examining whether or not they also bring unintended negative consequences. Drawing on the cases of Timor Leste, Solomon Islands and Bougainville, this article examines the potentially dark side of hybridity. It demonstrates that, in each of these cases, hybrid approaches to political reconciliation have brought both positive and negative consequences. On the positive side of the equation, hybridity has seen imported international approaches to reconciliation adapted to meet local demands and ensure resonance with local populations. On the negative side, however, the misappropriation and instrumentalisation of local practices within hybrid approaches has served to damage their legitimacy and to jeopardise their contributions to reconciliation. The article thus concludes that the existence and extent of this dark side necessitates a re-evaluation of how hybrid approaches to political reconciliation are planned and implemented.

**Timor Leste-Political reconciliation; Solomon Islands-Political reconciliation; Bougainville - Political reconciliation
  Control No : 42759


44. Hill, Christopher
  Powers of a kind: the anomalous position of France and the United Kingdom in world
  International Affairs(UK), 92(2) , 2016( March): 393-414

  Since the loss of their empires, Britain and France have been seen as states in historical but still only relative decline: no longer great powers but not typical of the large category of middle-range powers. Despite financial constraints and limited size they retain their status as permanent members of the UN Security Council and continue to display the ambition to exert global influence. At times, London and Paris deal with this anomaly by acting in harness but at others their foreign policies diverge dramatically, not least because of the contrasting domestic traditions from which they emerge, and because of their differing roles within the European Union. This article assesses the capacity of these two notable states to maintain a leadingrole in international politics given their own uneasy relationship and the significant constraints which they now face, both external and internal. The article is a revised version of the Martin Wight Memorial Lecture, held at Chatham House, London, on 3 November 2015.

** UK-Foreign policy; France-Foreign policy
Control No : 42737

45. Aolain, Fionnuala Ni
The ‘war on terror’ and extremism: assessing the relevance of the Women, Peace and
Security agenda
International Affairs (UK),92(2) , March( 2016): 275–291

  Recognizing the critique of sexual essentialism in the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, this article moves beyond this familiar narrative to address the narrowness of conflict frames that have to date been engaged by the WPS agenda. The events of 11 September 2001 brought new urgency and vibrancy to state action in the realm of counterterrorism. This momentum was illustrated both by the response of national legal systems and by more concerted efforts to achieve multilateral and multilevel counterterrorism cooperation on the international level. Notably, terrorism and counterterrorism have long been of only marginal interest to mainstream feminist legal theorists. Until recently concerted analytical feminist scrutiny has been missing in the assessment of terrorism, radicalism and counterterrorism discourses. This article addresses the lack of attention to terrorism, counterterrorism and countering violent extremism (CVE) initiatives in the WPS mandate and its consequences for mainstreaming gender interests in foundational aspects of peace and security practice. Recent normative augmentations including UNSCR 2242 and the amplified mandate of the Counter-Terrorism Committee to include gender considerations are assessed. The article argues that these moves to include gender come late, and on the terms set by security-minded states. The late attention to gender in counterterrorism leaves little capacity to produce an inclusive and reimagined feminist agenda addressing the causes conducive to the production of terrorism and the costs to women of counterterrorism strategies. This pessimistic assessment warns of the pitfalls of exclusion and inclusion in the new security regimes that have been fashioned post 9/11 by states.

**United Nations-Women peace and security; European Union-Women peace and security; UN Security Council
Control No : 42730
46. Basu, Soumita
Gender as national interest at the UN Security Council
International Affairs(UK) ,92(,2) , March( 2016): 255–273

  The United Nations Security Council has often been identified as a key actor responsible for the uneven trajectory of the international Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. It is, however, the Council members—who also seek to advance their national interest at this intergovernmental forum—that are pivotal in the Council's deliberations and shape its policies. Yet, little attention has been paid to this aspect of deliberative politics at the Council in feminist scholarship on WPS. This article seeks to address this gap in the literature. It notes that gender has increasingly become part of foreign policy interests of UN member states, as evidenced by practices such as invocation of ‘women's rights’ and ‘gender equality’ in broader international security policy discourse. The article demonstrates that this national interest in gender has featured in WPS-related developments at the Security Council. Using specific illustrations, it examines three sets of member states: the permanent and non-permanent members as well as non-members invited to take part in Council meetings. The main argument of this article relates to highlighting member states’ interests underpinning their diplomatic activities around WPS issues in the Security Council, with the aim to present a fuller understanding of political engagements with UNSCR 1325, the first WPS resolution, in its institutional home.

** United Nations-Women peace and security; European Union-Women peace and security; UN Security Council
Control No : 42729
47. Cook, Sam
The ‘woman-in-conflict’ at the UN Security Council: a subject of practice
International Affairs(UK) ,92(,2) , 2016(March): 353–372

Since the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, the woman-in-conflict has
emerged as a central figure in the discourse of the UNSC Women, Peace and Security policy community. She is an ever-present referent in discussions, the person in whose name critique is launched or action demanded. This figure is a representation of the needs and interests of the uncountable, faceless and nameless women affected by and living through war; a representation that takes place through imbuing her with particular meaning or characteristics. These meanings shape how the figure is understood in Women, Peace and Security discourse, which, in turn, constructs the horizons of possibility for both current and future policy and its implementation. This article explores how this figure is produced as a subject through layers of representation and is deeply embedded in the practices and relationships of power in the policy community. It suggests that accounting for these will offer an opportunity for feminist advocates to engage in this institutional space in more considered and effective ways.

  **United Nations-Women peace and security; European Union-Women peace and security; UN Security Council
Control No : 42734
48. Hagen, Jamie J
Queering women, peace and security
  International Affairs(UK) ,92(2) , March (2016): 313–332

  The aim of the eight Women, Peace and Security (WPS) United Nations Security Council resolutions, beginning with UNSCR 1325 in 2000, is to involve women in peacebuilding, reconstruction and gender mainstreaming efforts for gendered equality in international peace and security work. However, the resolutions make no mention of masculinity, femininity or the LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) population. Throughout the WPS architecture the terms ‘gender’ and ‘women’ are often used interchangeably. As a result, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) tracking and monitoring fail to account for individuals who fall outside a heteronormative construction of who qualifies as ‘women’. Those vulnerable to insecurity and violence because of their sexual orientation or gender identity remain largely neglected by the international peace and security community. Feminist security studies and emerging queer theory in international relations provide a framework to incorporate a gender perspective in WPS work that moves beyond a narrow, binary understanding of gender to begin to capture violence targeted at the LGBTQ population, particularly in efforts to address SGBV in conflict-related environments. The article also explores the ways in which a queer security analysis reveals the part heteronormativity and cisprivilege play in sustaining the current gap in analysis of gendered violence.

**United Nations-Women peace and security; European Union-Women peace and security; UN Security Council
Control No : 42732

49. Jauhola, Marjaana
Decolonizing branded peacebuilding: abjected women talk back to the Finnish Women, Peace and Security agenda
International Affairs(UK) ,92(2) , March( 2016): 333–351
This article interrogates the sexual ideology of Finnish peacebuilding, the country's foreign policy brand and the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda by examining the experiences of women ‘written out of history’. Using the method of ‘writing back’ I juxtapose the construction of a gender-friendly global peacebuilder identity with experiences in Finland after the Lapland War (1944–45) and in post-conflict Aceh, Indonesia (1976–2005). Although being divided temporarily and geographically, these two contexts form an intimate part of the abjected and invisible part of the Finnish WPS agenda, revealing a number of colonial and violent overtones of postwar reconstruction: economic and political postwar dystopia of Skolt Sámi and neglect of Acehnese women's experiences in branding the peace settlement and its implementation as a success. Jointly they critique and challenge both the gender/women-friendly peacebuilder identity construction of Finland and locate the sexual ideology of WPS to that of political economy and post-conflict political, legal and economic reforms. The article illustrates how the Finnish foreign policy brand has constructed the country as a global problem-solver and peacemaker, drawing on the heteronormative myth of already achieved gender equality on the one hand and, on the other, tamed asexual female subjectivity: the ‘good woman’ as peacebuilder or victim of violence. By drawing attention to violent effects of the global WPS agenda demanding decolonialization, I suggest that the real success of the WPS agenda should be evaluated by those who have been ‘written out’.

**United Nations-Women peace and security; European Union-Women peace and security; UN Security Council
Control No : 42733
50. Kirby, Paul and Shepherd, Laura J
The futures past of the Women, Peace and Security agenda
International Affairs(UK), 92(2) , 2016(March): 373–392

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has developed at the United Nations over the course of the past 15 years, and there have been critical engagements with it for nearly as long. In this article, we first take stock of the operationalization of the WPS agenda, reviewing its implementation across a number of sectors. In the second section, we expose the tensions that have marked the WPS agenda from the start. With others, we argue that there has been a narrowing of the agenda's original scope, reducing it to the traditional politics of security rather than reimagining what security means. We highlight this reduction primarily through an analysis of the tension between the ‘participation’ and ‘protection’ pillars of the agenda. Further, we argue that the WPS agenda faces a current challenge in terms of the actors entrusted with it. Although in some ways involving civil society, the consolidations and implementation of WPS principles at the national and international levels have become increasingly state-centric. Third, we imagine some possible futures of the agenda, from a trajectory characterized by increasing marginalization or even irrelevance, to new avenues like the emergent, albeit tentative, ‘Men, Peace and Security’ agenda. We close with an argument for a revival of the WPS agenda beyond a fixation on states, beyond a narrow heteronormative or essentialist focus on the ‘Women’ of the WPS resolutions, and moving towards the radical reimagining of security as peace that inspired the original architects of these important resolutions.

**United Nations-Women peace and security; European Union-Women peace and security; UN Security Council
  Control No : 42735

51. Kirby, Paul and Shepherd, Laura J
Reintroducing women, peace and security
International Affairs(UK) ,92(2) , March(2016): 249-254

This special issue of International Affairs, launched on International Women's Day 2016, explores the potential and limits of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, a global policy architecture supporting gender equality and today a significant reference point in the management and resolution of, as well as recovery from, violent conflict. The Women, Peace and Security (conventionally abbreviated to WPS) agenda was formally inaugurated by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in October 2000. Across 18 operative paragraphs, the Council appealed for the greater participation of women in decision-making in national, regional and international institutions; their further involvement in peacekeeping, field operations, mission consultation and peace negotiations; increased funding and other support for UN bodies’ gender work; enhanced state commitments to women's and girls’ human rights and their protection under international law; the introduction of special measures against sexual violence in armed   conflict; and the consideration of women's and girls’ needs in humanitarian, refugee, disarmament and post-conflict settings. The foundational resolution also mandated the secretary-general both to study the impact of war on women and girls and to report back  to the Council regularly

**United Nations-Women peace and security; United Nations-Security council; European Union-Women peace and security
Control No : 42728

52. Touquet, Heleen and Vermeersch, Peter

Changing Frames of Reconciliation: The Politics of Peace-Building in the Former  Yugoslavia
East European Politics and Societies ,30(1) , 2016(February): 55-73

In this article, we examine reconciliation as a category of political practice. More particularly, we explore the ways in which the term reconciliation has been employed and invested with meaning in the recent legal, social, and political discussions on transitional justice and EU accession in the former Yugoslavia. Much of the literature on the former Yugoslavia highlights the need for reconciliation and envisages it as the ultimate goal of a process of societal and political transformation. But what does reconciliation mean? Our assertion is that reconciliation is a dynamic term; its meaning varies across discursive fields and according to the implicit assumptions associated with it. This article investigates a number of ways in which the term reconciliation has been given meaning in the former Yugoslavia through an exploratory analysis of three related fields of political discussion: (1) transitional justice, in particular the arena of discursive interaction surrounding the completion of the activities of the ICTY in The Hague; (2) the human rights and enlargement agenda of the EU; and (3) local and regional civil society initiatives, including the RECOM initiative, which calls for the establishment of a mechanism for truth-telling and reconciliation across all the countries of the former Yugoslavia. On the basis of an analysis of public statements by politicians and activists, as well as some interviews with key actors in these three fields, we show that reconciliation is mobilized in varying and often conflicting ways.

** Yugoslavia-Peace Building; Yugoslavia-Reconciliation; European Union
Control No : 42721

Abbott, Malcolm4
Abimbola, Seye6
Ahmar, Moonis38
Aistrope, Tim42
Amazan, Rose6
Aolain, Fionnuala Ni45
Baldino, Daniel2
Bano, Sayeeda26
Barfield, Thomas1
Basu, Soumita46
Basu, Titli32
Bretherton, Hannah5
Brown, Kerry5
Buckley, Noah39
Carr, Andrew2
Chandra, Kanchan27
Cook, Sam47
Corbett, Jack3
Cowen, Tyler30
Cumming, Robert6
Dinnen, Sinclair3
Esposto, Alexis4
Frye, Timothy40
Garifullina, Guzel39
Grzymala-Busse, Anna23
Guerrina, Roberta21
Hagen, Jamie J48
Hameiri, Shahar14
Helbling, Marc20
Hill, Christopher44
Horowitz, Jeremy33
Howie, Leanne6
Jauhola, Marjaana49
Jeffery, Renee43
Jiang, Junyan15
Jones, Lee14
Juan, Alexander De41
Kaplan, Robert D17
Kent, Lia43
Kersten, Rikki8
Kirby, Paul50 - 51
Lally, Jagjeet29
Magbadelo, John Olushola36
Matsaganis, Manos25
Maxwell, Rahsaan18
Müller, Jan-Werner22
Negin, Joel6
Niedzwiecki, Sara34
Paswan, Nawal K26
Payette, Alex12
Rajagopal, Arvind28
Reuter, Ora John39
Satake, Tomohiko7
Schreer, Benjamin9
Schreurs, Miranda A24
Shah, Aqil10
Shepherd, Laura J50 - 51
Shubenkova, Alexandra39
Sierp, Aline19
Snellinger, Amanda35
Summers, Lawrence H31
Touquet, Heleen52
Traunmuller, Richard20
Uberoi, Patricia13
Vermeersch, Peter52
Vizintin, Pavle6
Wallis, Joanne43
Warikoo, K11
Weiss, Anita37
Wong, Seanon S16
Wright, Katharine A M21
Yakovlev, Andrei40
Yang, Dali L15


-Government stability1
-Defence diplomacy3
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-Foreign policy-Latin America4
-Foreign relations-China5
-Higher education6
-Security partnership-Japan7
-Security policy-Japan8
-Strategic relationship-Japan9
-Politics and government10
Central Asia
-Trade relations-South Asia11
-Contemporary confucianism12
-Economic corridor13
-Economic development14
-Cultural diversity18
-Public remembrance19
-Religion and politics20
-Women peace and security21
European Union
-Environmental policy24
-Economic growth25
- Trade relations-New Zealand26
-Politics and government27
-Politics and Government28
India (British)
-Salvation army29
International Economy31
International economy30
-Security policy32
-Election campaign33
Latin America
-Subnational politics34
-Civil service36
-Civil society groups37
-Internal Security38
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Tanzania (German Eastern Africa)
-State building41
Timor Leste
-Political reconciliation43
-Foreign policy44
United Nations
-Women peace and security45 - 51
-Peace Building52


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