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Foreign Affairs Records

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin, May 2016



1. Blanga, Yehuda U
Between Two and Four: The French Initiative and the Multi-Power Diplomatic Initiatives to Resolve
the Middle East Crisis.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(1), 2016(January): 93-120.

This analysis examines one of the unknown chapters in the diplomatic history of the Arab-Israeli conflict:the French initiative of 1969 calling for diplomatic co-operation amongst the four Great Powers—the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, and France—to put an end to the conflict. The “Forum of Four” did not just attempt to mediate and achieve a compromise between Israel and the Arabs; it also presumed to define the general envelope for the agreement and dictate the path that the sides should follow toward a peace agreement. This analaysis examines the diplomatic positions of Israel, Egypt, and their superpower patrons—which conducted a “Forum of Two”—during the first months of the War of Attrition in 1969 and presents the details of the planned agreement worked out in the deliberations amongst the Powers, especially the United States and Soviet Union. It also surveys the reactions to them and the reasons why mediation failed.

**Arab-Israeli conflict-diplomatic history; USA-Foreign initiatives-Arab countries;UK-Foreign initiatives-Arab countries;France-Foreign initiatives-Arab countries.

Control No : 42822


2. Mishra, Rahul
Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: An Assessment.
India Quarterly, 72(2), 2016(June): 163-176.

Lauded as one of the most remarkable Chinese initiatives in the international financial arena, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) sets the stage for China’s greater role in the international economic system as a prominent stakeholder. Headquartered in Beijing, the bank is expected to play a key role in plugging the infrastructure gaps in Asia, which have been estimated at US$8 trillion between the years 2010 and 2020. The setting up of the AIIB will have far-reaching economic as well as politico-strategic implications for countries across Asia and beyond. While the AIIB has been seen as a remedy to address infrastructure deficit in Asia, it is unlikely to meet the US$8 trillion goal on its own. The biggest challenge before the bank, therefore, is to prioritise in terms of selecting projects so that it optimally utilises the available financial resources and functions as a transparent and impartial organisation, in addition to making a swift and smooth transition from a ‘Chinese initiative’ to a ‘China-led initiative’ that yields equitable benefits to all its member countries.

** Asia-Economy;Maritime silk road;China–Pakistan economic corridor;Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.

Control No : 42866


3. Bray, Daniel
The geopolitics of Antarctic governance: sovereignty and strategic denial in Australia's Antarctic policy.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(3), 2016: 256-274.

The governance of Antarctica has re-emerged as a geopolitical issue in the past decade due to the increased presence of China, India and Russia; the continent's importance in understanding global climate change; and its economic potential as a source of marine, genetic and mineral resources. This article examines the challenges for the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) in this context and the consequences for Australia's foreign policy in its dual role as both a territorial claimant and supporter of ATS norms of cooperative science and environmental protection. The central argument is that Antarctic ‘bifocalism’ is under pressure as increased commercial activity and problematic jurisdictional interfaces with other regimes create difficult regulatory challenges for the ATS and encourage assertions of sovereignty that cannot be resolved within the existing regime. Consequently, the author argues that it is vitally important for Australia to preserve the legitimacy of the ATS through a policy framework of ‘strategic denial’ that aims to prevent all states from acquiring sovereignty over Antarctic territory. Australia should therefore reject recent proposals to securitise Antarctic policy or pursue World Heritage listing because they involve assertions of sovereignty that risk fracturing the ATS and thus compromise Australia's enduring interest in keeping Antarctica as ‘a continent of international cooperation and peace’.

**Australia-Antarctic policy;Antarctic Treaty System.
Control No : 42873

4. Beeson, Mark and Zeng, Jinghan
Chinese views of Australian foreign policy: Not a flattering picture.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(3), 2016: 293-310.

The economic importance and strategic significance of Australia's relationship with China means that bilateral ties have become a major focus of attention in the scholarly and policymaking communities in Australia. Understandably enough perhaps, less attention has been given to the way the relationship is understood in China. This article addresses this absence in the literature by providing an overview of some of the more important contributions to the discussion in China. The most important point that emerges from such an analysis is that there is an ‘asymmetry of interest’ in the two countries, with Australia occupying a far less prominent place in Chinese policy discussions than China does in Australia. Equally noteworthy is the fact that the study of Sino-Australian relations in China is characterised by a greater variety of perspectives than it is in Australia. Appreciating this diversity is an essential part of developing a more accurate understanding of the policymaking milieu in China.

** Australia-Foreign policy-China;Australia-Foreign relations-China.
Control No : 42874


5. Leah, Christine M
Deterrence Beyond Down under: Australia and US Security Guarantees since 1955.
Journal of Strategic Studies, 39(4), 2016: 521-534.

From 1944 to 1973 Australia attempted to acquire atomic weaponry. This ambition was driven by the desire to contribute to defending British interests in Asia, fears of invasion by China, Indonesia, and Japan, great-power war, and the belief that nuclear weapons were merely bigger and better conventional weapons, that they would proliferate, and that US security assurances lacked credibility. Although the pursuit of the bomb was eventually abandoned, this was not the result of US assurances. Rather, geopolitical changes in Australia’s environment meant that a major attack on the continent was unlikely to occur outside the context of a confrontation between the US, China, and the Soviet Union. This article argues that Australia may soon have to rethink its policies towards US extended deterrence and instead focus on developing its own deterrent.

** Australia-Non-Proliferation Treaty-USA;Australia-Nuclear proliferation.
Control No : 42850


6. Ranjan, Amit
Migration from Bangladesh: Impulses, Risks and Exploitations.
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 2016, 105(3): 311- 319.

Migration and emigration from Bangladesh is a pervasive phenomenon. Historically, large-scale migration from the region constituting the present Bangladesh started after tea plantations were introduced to Assam by the British in the early 19th century. Gradually, the number of migrants from this region increased due to geographic location, climate change and poverty. Over the years, there has been a change in the gender pattern of migration, where the proportion of female migrants has increased significantly. These migrants play a significant role in the Bangladesh economy, as remittances constituted about 8.21% of gross domestic product in 2014. This article examines why, despite the many dangers that the migrants face, including violence in the host countries and exploitation by their ‘masters’, the number of migrants from Bangladesh continues to rise constantly.

**Bangladesh-Migration;Bangladesh-Sex trade;Bangladesh-Economy.
Control No : 42858


7. Doval, Gisela Pereyra and Actis, Esteban
The Political and Economic Instability of Dilma Rousseff’s Second Government in Brazil: Between Impeachment and the Pragmatic Turn.
India Quarterly, 72(2), 2016(June): 120-131.

This article aims to describe the political and economic tensions experienced by Brazil, six months into the second term of President Dilma Rousseff. It also analyses whe42822ther the head of state can be subjected to political trial/impeachment as a result of corruption charges, and attempts to explain the government’s strategy to try to get out of the quagmire by means of a pragmatic twist, away from the premises of the electoral campaign.
**Brazil-Political Instability;Brazil-Economic Instability.
Control No : 42863


8. Perry, Barbara and Scrivens, Ryan
Uneasy Alliances: A Look at the Right-Wing Extremist Movement in Canada.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 39(9), 2016(June): 819-841.

Despite the Canadian Security Intelligence Service's recent concern with the growing threat from right-wing extremists nationwide, we have little contemporary scholarship on the far right movement in Canada and fewer attempts to systematically analyze their ideologies and activities. Drawing on a three-year study involving interviews with Canadian law enforcement officials, community organizations, and right-wing activists, as well as analyses of open source intelligence, this article examines the endogenous factors that facilitate and inhibit the right-wing extremist movement in Canada. Findings suggest that strengths and weaknesses of the groups themselves can be exploited as a means of debilitating them.

** Canada-Extremist movement;Canada-Terrorism.
Control No : 42838


9. Gephart, Malte
Local embedding of international discourse: Chile and the international and transnational anti-corruption campaign.
International Relations, 30(1), 2016(March): 49-77.

The international and transnational anti-corruption campaign (ITACC) has successfully called global attention to the ‘abuse of delegated power for private gain’. However, several anti-corruption scholars have argued that the currently dominant ITACC is flawed because it ignores the fact that local understandings of corruption vary around the world. Others who have analysed the ITACC have claimed it is capable of effectively covering up these differences, in turn creating misunderstandings about the aims in the fight against corruption. While both arguments have been developed quite separately, this article combines and thereby advances both. It applies constructionist interviews and argumentative discourse analysis (ADA) to explore the local anti-corruption discourse in Chile – a country that is considered a success case in Latin America. The exploration shows that Chile’s anti-corruption activities are highly political and they are deeply related to narratives of the country’s transition to democracy. By relating these narratives back to the ITACC, the article reveals a complex interplay between local (competing) corruption narratives and the ITACC.

Control No : 42842


10. Islam Ayyadi and Kamal, Mohammed
China-Israel arms trade and co-operation: history and policy implications.
Asian Affairs, 47(2), 2016: 260-273.

Israel and China have quietly developed a significant arms trade since the 1970s. This article examines the history of the development of the Israel-China arms trade, its ramifications for wider international relations including those between the US and Israel, the US and China, and also foreign policy implications for China and the Middle-East.

**China-Defence relations-Israel; China-Arms trade-Israel.
Control No : 42869


11. Yelery, Aravind
China’s Bilateral Currency Swap Agreements: Recent Trends.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(May): 138-150.

China has recently demonstrated diverse ways to pursue its economic internationalisation. The trade mechanism has been re-modelled without a heavy tone on exports and China’s vulnerability to import–export risks has been steadily reduced. More than trade, the investments have been pursued to make Chinese economic expansion endure. Chinese also learned the trick of larger geo-economics by not waiting for crisis to occur and get caught in the global domino effect of slowdown, recession and other impulsive nature of markets. While, on one hand, China is trying to comply by international monetary and legal standards, making more space in a cluttered room for its economic ambitions, on the other, it is also adopting smarter ways to outperform the existing heavyweight economies’ dominance in the sphere of international monetary. An example of China’s sprint for maximising its legal and economic engagement and securing benefits by having bilateral currency swap agreements (BCS), exhibits how China has evolved over the last decade. A decade back, China was apprehensive about the BCS when it did not follow the Chiang Mai initiative. The current commentary attempts to analyse China’s BCS strategy and the possible impact.

** China-Economy;China-Bilateral currency sawap strategy.
Control No : 42831


12. Yua, Mincai
The South China Sea dispute and the Philippines Arbitration Tribunal: China's policy options.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(3), 2016: 215-234.

The Philippines Arbitration Tribunal separately dealing with the jurisdiction over the South China Sea dispute is the continuance of the set practice by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea's Annex VII arbitral tribunals of bifurcation of proceedings, and was the best option for it to deal with China's objections to its jurisdiction in the circumstance of China's non-acceptance of and non-participation in the arbitral proceedings. Such a measure has potentially important implications for the tribunal itself and for China. The tribunal's decision to have jurisdiction over some parts of the Philippines’ submissions resumed the merits proceedings of the dispute. This development of the proceedings would force China to reconsider its current policy of non-participation. Participation in the subsequent merits proceedings might be the right choice for China.

** China-South China Sea dispute;United Nations-Convention on the Law of the Sea; Philippines Arbitration Tribunal.
Control No : 42871


13. Piiparinen, Touko
Intervening to strengthen sovereignty: the lessons of the UN intervention bridge for global peacekeeping.
International Relations, 30(2), 2016(June): 154-175.

The main significance and novelty of the Intervention Brigade established by the United Nations (UN) Security Council in March 2013 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have previously been attributed to its robust mandate, enhanced capacities and offensive concept of operations. At the tactical, strategic and doctrinal levels of analysis, the Brigade could be considered a continuum of the robust and technological turn of UN peacekeeping, which has continued for more than a decade and is reinvigorated in the so-called new generation of peacekeeping tactics outlined in the New Horizon document. However, this article argues that the most profound significance and novelty of the Brigade reside at the underlying paradigmatic level, which has been ignored in the previous literature. The Brigade embodies not only robust capacities and mandate (peacekeeping with muscles) but also a new peacekeeping paradigm, namely, sovereignty-building (peacekeeping for body politic). The sovereignty-building paradigm is aimed at creating or strengthening the positive and negative sovereignty of the host government. The Brigade reinforces the positive sovereignty of the Congolese government by boosting its self-directive domestic and foreign policy, political will, ownership and responsibility vis-à-vis its regional peers, for example, by making its exit strategy conditional on the Congolese own Rapid Reaction Force. With regard to negative sovereignty, the Brigade contributes to the reinstatement of territorial integrity and supreme state authority by neutralising militia groups.

** Congo-Peacekeeping;Congo-Sovereignty.
Control No : 42844


14. Hopf, Ted
‘Crimea is ours’: A discursive history.
International Relations, 30(2), 2016(June): 227-255.

Russia could have annexed Crimea anytime in the last 25 years. The fact that it did so only in March 2014 is a puzzle. I argue that the predominant discourse of Russian national identity by 2014 made the annexation of Crimea and military intervention in eastern Ukraine both thinkable and natural to Moscow. A history of the discursive terrain of Russia from 1992 to 2014 shows how Russia’s national identity has evolved over the years, both in response to Western inactions or actions and domestic developments. But Russian identity is not a sufficient explanation for Russian behavior in Ukraine. For that, we must pay attention to the event itself: Western support for the Maidan protestors, Western failure to adhere to the February 2014 agreements reached with Moscow on a transitional government in Ukraine with Yanukovych at its head and new elections in November, the presence of disgruntled Russians in Ukraine, and perhaps most important, over a decade of US unilateralism in foreign affairs.

** Crimea-Neoliberalism;Russia-Foreign policy-Crimea; North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
Control No : 42847


15. Pilat, Joseph F
A Reversal of Fortunes? Extended Deterrence and Assurance in Europe and East Asia.
Journal of Strategic Studies, 39(4), 2016: 580-591.

The extended deterrence relationships between the United States and its allies in Europe and East Asia have been critical to regional and global security and stability, as well as to nonproliferation efforts, since the late 1950s. These relationships developed in different regional contexts, and reflect differing cultural, political and military realities in the US allies and their relations with the United States. Although extended deterrence and assurance relations have very different histories, and have to some extent been controversial through the years, there has been a rethinking of these relations in recent years. Many Europeans face a diminished threat situation as well as economic and political pressures on the maintenance of extended deterrence, and are looking at the East Asian relationships, which do not involve forward deployed forces as more attractive than NATO’s risk-and-burden-sharing concepts involving the US nuclear forces deployed in Europe. On the other hand, the East Asian allies are looking favorably at NATO nuclear consultations, and in the case of South Korea, renewed US nuclear deployments (which were ended in 1991), to meet increased security concerns posed by a nuclear North Korea and more assertive China. This paper explores the history of current relationships and the changes that have led the allies to view those of others as more suitable for meeting their current needs.

**Europe-Nuclear Deterrence-East Asia;Europe-Nuclear weapons-East Asia.
Control No : 42853


16. Smith, Nicholas Ross
The EU under a realist scope: Employing a neoclassical realist framework for the analysis of the EU’s Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement offer to Ukraine.
International Relations, 30(1), 2016(March): 29-48.

This article breaks from the dominant liberal-idealist literature and examines the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy decisions from a realist perspective. Through employing a novel, EU-focussed neoclassical realist framework, the EU’s offer of a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) to Ukraine is argued as being a result of the mediating influence of its normative power role identity, the (mis)perceptions held by its foreign policy decision-makers and the institutional constraints inherent to its foreign policy decision-making process, which filtered systemic pressures (emanating from the European geopolitical setting) into the final foreign policy decision. Thereafter, this article assesses the EU’s responses to the Ukraine crisis, offering policy reflections and recommendations.
** European Union-Foreign policy-Ukraine;European Union-Free trade agreement- Ukraine.
Control No : 42841

17. Hoang, Ha Hai
Normative Power Europe through trade: Vietnamese perceptions.
International Relations, 30(2), 2016(June): 176-205.

This article considers the perception of Normative Power Europe (NPE) through the eyes of Vietnam, measuring the degree to which an actor can successfully pursue a normative foreign policy. This article attempts to demonstrate that discussion on the European Union’s (EU) normative identity should include an investigation into the external perceptions of the EU. To become an NPE, the EU’s external partners should recognise it as a holder of norms and values, appreciate its role as a norm- diffuser and perceive the attractiveness of its norms. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Vietnamese government officials with professional experience in the field of trade relations with the EU to assess non-EU state elites’ perceptions of the EU’s identity. Vietnam’s policy-makers tend to acknowledge the norms that constitute the EU’s normative foundation, with particularly high consensus on those concerning economic liberalism. The EU’s economic and social norms are to some extent attractive for Vietnam and thus able to be adopted and adapted to the Vietnamese context.

**European Union-Trade policy;Europe-Normative power;Vietnam-Foreign policy.
Control No : 42845


18. Lutsch, Andreas
Merely ‘Docile Self-Deception’? German Experiences with Nuclear Consultation in NATO.
Journal of Strategic Studies, 39(4), 2016: 535-558.

Recent nuclear-weapons-related consultation in NATO within the framework of the Defence and Deterrence Posture Review sheds light on historical experiences with nuclear consultation in NATO. In the early years of the Nuclear Planning Group (NPG), which became the main forum for multilateral nuclear consultation in the alliance, developing a nuclear weapons first use doctrine was of particular importance. This process led to the adoption of the Provisional Political Guidelines (PPGs) on the threat to initiate the use of nuclear weapons. With a focus on West Germany as the primary addressee of the NPG, it will be postulated that nuclear consultation functioned and may still be seen as an essential tool to manage the credibility of US extended nuclear deterrence in the framework of NATO.

** Germany-Non-proliferation;Germany-Nuclear deterrence;Germany-Nuclear planning group.
Control No : 42851


19. Kumah-Abiwu, Felix
Leadership Traits and Ghana’s Foreign Policy: The Case of Jerry Rawlings’ Foreign Economic Policy of the 1980s.
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 2016, 105(3): 297- 310.

This article examines Ghana’s foreign policy-making with reference to internal and external determinants (structural/systemic). Besides these determinants, political actors (primarily, presidents/heads of state) have shaped the country’s foreign policy outcomes, but this field of enquiry (i.e. the individual-level analysis) has not, received much attention in the literature. To enhance the understanding of leadership and personality traits in foreign policy-making, this study draws on the theory of Leadership Trait Analysis to examine Jerry John Rawlings and Ghana’s foreign economic policy in the early 1980s. It argues that the leadership traits of Rawlings to some extent shaped Ghana’s foreign economic policy decisions in the early 1980s.

** Ghana-Foreign policy;Ghana-Economic policy.
Control No : 42857


20. Abrol,Sumeet
Countering Bioterrorism Threat to India: Employing Global Best Practices and Technology as Force Multiplier.
India Quarterly, 72(2), 2016(June): 146-162.

The threat of bioterrorism is the most plausible when compared to other weapons of mass destruction (WMDs), considering the riotous advances in biotechnology. It is a threat for which India is not well prepared as was once again highlighted by the recent H1N1 epidemic, which claimed over 2,300 lives. The precarious security environment in South Asia, rapid rise in fundamentalism and extremist implosion of Pakistan, the cloud of civil war in Afghanistan and the emergence of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) further accentuate this threat. This article analyses the bioterrorism threat to India and explores strategies, approaches, technological tools and best practices required for surveillance, prevention, response, recovery, decontamination and its attribution. It concludes that bioterrorism is a low-probability, high-impact event. Biological agents are a threat to human, livestock and crop health, as well as to the Indian economy, and their understanding must be considerably improved. Political awareness and public participation are essential for threat mitigation. The preparedness against biological attacks will also prepare our population against natural occurrence of diseases, thus transforming India into a resilient society.

** India-Bioterrorism; Weapons of mass destruction;India-Bioterrorism threat.
Control No : 42865

21. Ranjan, Amit
Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Narratives, Impacts and the Actors.
India Quarterly, 72(2), 2016(June): 132-145.

Both the Bangladesh state and society are yet to settle the questions over and narratives related to the Liberation War of 1971. Broadly, there are two groups with contradictory and conflicting interpretations of the events related to that war. This has also led to the mushrooming of militant groups in the country. The beginning of trial of perpetrators of Liberation War crimes since 2010 and the execution of a few of the leaders has further polarised the society and politics of Bangladesh. The existing debates over the Bangladesh Liberation War cannot be studied without looking into the roles of India and Pakistan. The two countries have their own interpretations and political fallout of the 1971 liberation war.

** India-Boundary issues-Bangladesh;India-Bangladesh-Land boundary agreement,2015;Bangladesh-Liberation war.
Control No : 42864


22. Binh, Ngo Xuanis
Vietnam–India Economic Ties: Challenges and Opportunities since 2007.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(May): 112-128.

Vietnam and India have had good political relations since the two countries gained independence in the 1940s. Despite the good political ties, however, economic collaboration was not a priority in bilateral relations until the 1990s. After 1990, the situation started to change as Vietnam began implementing its opening up policy and India saw Vietnam as an important partner in the deployment of its Look East Policy. Thus, both Vietnam and India have made great efforts to promote trade and investment cooperation between the two countries. Certain difficulties, nevertheless, continue to hinder bilateral economic relations. This paper is an attempt to analyse Vietnam–India economic relations since the two countries established a strategic partnership in 2007, with a focus on the economic advantages and needs of Vietnam and India, the current situation of Vietnam–India economic relations, and prospects for the further development of these relations.

** India-Economic relations-Vietnam;India-Bilateral trade-Vietnam;India-Trade in Goods
Control No : 42829

23. Hall, Ian
Multialignment and Indian Foreign Policy under Narendra Modi.
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 2016, 105(3): 271- 286.

This article examines India’s emerging approach to foreign policy: multialignment. It argues that since the mid-2000s India has developed multialignment as a means of achieving what it perceives as its core interests and ideals in international relations. Characterised by an emphasis on engagement in regional multilateral institutions, the use of strategic partnerships, and what is termed ‘normative hedging’, multialignment is being utilised to boost India’s economic development and national security, as well as to project influence and promote its values. The article traces the emergence of this strategy during the governments of Manmohan Singh and its implementation and extension by the new government of Narendra Modi. It analyses the key arguments that have been presented in its favour and the ways in which it was been put into practice. It concludes with a brief assessment of multialignment as a strategy, as well as the prospect that it will deliver the dividends expected by India’s foreign policy elite.

** India-Foreign policy;India-Foreign relations.
Control No : 42855

24. Tandon, Aakriti
Transforming the Unbound Elephant to the Lovable Asian Hulk: Why is Modi Leveraging India’s Soft Power?
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 105(1), 2016: 57- 65.

Prime Minister Modi’s administration has renewed emphasis on highlighting India’s soft power resources such as yoga, democratic values, spirituality, etc. Modi has also launched an aggressive public relations and marketing campaign to boost India’s economic growth. This article examines the role and importance of soft power resources in Modi’s foreign policy. The author argues that Modi is applying a two-pronged strategy of simultaneously adopting an aggressive sales pitch to boost India’s economic growth and leveraging India’s soft power to mitigate potential threats emanating from the country’s growing hard power. While soft power resources generally supplement a state’s hard power towards achieving foreign policy goals, Modi is using India’s soft power to draw attention away from the state’s rising military power. While India is enhancing its existing military power, Modi is engaging India’s neighbours and other great powers to ensure that its rise is intended to be peaceful, non-threatening and entirely benevolent. This is in stark contrast to how Asian states as well as the world perceive China’s rise. This article also questions the effectiveness of this strategy and predicts that this strategy should bode well for India in maintaining its international reputation and relationships.

** India-Foreign policy;SAARC;Modi’s administration;Modi’s foreign policy.
Control No : 42861

25. Ankit, Rakesh
America, India, and Kashmir, 1945–49: “If Ignorance About India in This Country is Deep, Ignorance About the [Princely] States is Abysmal”.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(1), 2016(January): 22-44.

This analysis offers an alternative examination of American interest in India in the mid-1940s and situates the early American attitude to Kashmir into that matrix. The two years from 1945 to 1947, those of the emergence of decolonisation and the Cold War, critically influenced America’s attitude first towards India and then towards Kashmir. It has been commonplace to describe America’s early understanding of the Kashmir conflict as an issue unconnected with the Cold War until 1952–1954. Even those works, which argue for an early presence of an “east-west lens” in the American consciousness, begin from either the Communist triumph in China or the outbreak of the Korean War. This analysis, instead, shows how soon, how much, and how comprehensively various sections of American government looked at Kashmir through an international prism.

** India-Foreign policy-USA;USA-Foreign policy towards Kashmir Issue.
Control No : 42823


26. Menon, Shivshankar
China, the World and India.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(May): 129-137.

After more than three decades of stupendous growth, China is in the process of making the painful transition to a lower growth path. As it does so, the ruling CPC is increasingly turning to nationalism to provide legitimacy in the eyes of its own people. China now openly seeks to ‘display its prowess’ and ‘assume its responsibilities’ in the world. However, it still lacks the capability to impose a political or security order of its own in its immediate neighbourhood. There is, therefore, likely to be a period of instability in the Asia–Pacific region, and the environment in which India pursues its interests will get more complex. China and India today have a relationship with elements of both cooperation and competition. While both countries have a common interest in improving on the existing security and economic order, they compete in the periphery they share. A danger present in present- day India–China relations comes from the mutual gap between perception and reality. Nevertheless, this article argues that this is a moment of opportunity for India–China relations, and that each country could benefit its core interests by working with the other.

** India-Foreign relations-China;Chinese nationalism.
Control No : 42830

27. Joshi, Shashank
A survey of India’s strategic environment.
Asian Affairs, 47(2), 2016: 234-259.

This paper examines India’s strategic environment in the round. ‘Strategic’ refers here to politico-military aspects of international relations, particularly those with implications for the use or potential use of force in the future. Thus economic factors are considered secondarily, and only insofar as they have diplomatic and military ramifications – as in the case of Chinese infrastructure projects in South Asia, or Indian port-development in Iran. This approach also sets aside what we might call ‘structural’ factors, such as large-scale multilateral trade deals, such as the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and sociological-demographic trends, such as relative population growth rates, also such issues necessarily influence the real and perceived balance of power over the long-run. The paper begins by considering India’s most salient adversary, Pakistan, before looking at the connected issue of Afghanistan and Central Asia. It then turns east to examine another rival, China, followed by the United States, the smaller states of South Asia, and finally the Middle East.

** India-Strategic environment;India-Foreign policy;India-Security policy;India- Defence power.
Control No : 42868

28. Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie
West Bengal: The RSAA 2015 Tour.
Asian Affairs, 47(2), 2016: 274-288.

This article is an account of the November-December 2015 RSAA tour to Calcutta and West Bengal, including descriptions of various monuments in Calcutta, as well as Chandernagore, the battlefield of Plassey, Murshidabad, Gaur, and Patna/Pataliputra.

** India-Tourist trade;India-Tourist place;India-Monuments.
Control No : 42870


29. Ng’oma, Alex Mwamba
Challenges of Democratic Consolidation in Africa: Implications for India’s Investment Driv.India Quarterly, 72(2), 2016(June): 107-119.

In Africa, the dawn of political independence, which many countries experienced in the late 1950s and the early 1960s, ushered in political freedom but not economic prosperity. It was for this reason that the onset of the third wave of democratisation, which culminated into the end of the Cold War in 1989, came to be hailed by the African masses as a second form of liberation. The Africans hoped that democracy, once consolidated, would be the basis for economic development on their continent. This article observes, nonetheless, that democracy in many African countries has not proceeded to the expected phase of democratic consolidation due to several challenges that the article outlines. The article explains further that despite the uninspiring picture of political instability on the continent, Africa is actually home to at least six of the fastest growing economies in the world. The article, thus, suggests that India should not hesitate, but seek to increase its investment portfolio in Africa, since the continent’s unstable political environment is not at all inimical to foreign direct investment.

** India-Trade relations-Africa;India-Trade investment;Africa-Democracy.
Control No : 42862


30. Molea, Stuart
Out of Malta, Beginning Anew.
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 2016, 105(3): 261- 269.

The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) held in Malta witnessed high drama in the election of Patricia Scotland as the organisation’s new Secretary- General. This article notes, among other things, that it once again demonstrated the myth that the Secretary-General is chosen on the basis of consensus. In the view of the author, although the conference discussed a number of issues of substance and importance, there is an urgent need to give the Secretariat new collective purpose and vision. Malta, argues the article, provided an important point of departure, and the next CHOGM, to be held in Britain in 2018, offers Commonwealth organisations and civil society an opportunity to make their own unique and enhanced contributions.

** International Organization-Commonwealth;Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting; CHOGM.
Control No : 42854

31. Homel, Peter and Masson, Nicolas
Partnerships for human security in fragile contexts: where community safety and security sector reform intersect.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(3), 2016: 311-327.

Implementing sustainable community safety and security sector reform (SSR) in highly unstable and conflict-affected contexts is a significant and growing challenge. Donor- led SSR processes claim to enable transparent, effective and accountable provision of security. Yet, traditional, externally driven SSR processes implemented in a top-down manner have been shown to have important shortcomings. Using the experience of a form of SSR undertaken in the Jenin Governorate in the Palestinian territories, this article highlights some of these shortcomings—in particular, a lack of local ownership, failure to address governance issues, co-optation of political and security elites, and neglect of citizens’ views and needs—as well as describing a viable method for overcoming them to produce a more sustainable approach to community safety in extremely difficult circumstances through the use of outcome-based local crime prevention planning processes. In contrast, the Jenin community safety project was a bottom-up, community-based approach that built effective ‘partnerships’ for crime prevention with both formal security providers (for example, security forces, executive authorities, parliamentarians and governors’ offices) and informal security providers (for example, civil society, the media, and tribal and business leaders) to produce a viable mechanism by which a safer community with stronger local leadership might be created.

** International security;Security sector reform;Human security;Jenin community.
Control No : 42875


32. Lob, Eric
The Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy and construction Jihad's developmental activities in Sub-Saharan Africa.
International Journal of Middle East Studies, 48(2), 2016(May): 313-338.

This article adopts the theoretical framework of complex realism to trace the evolution of the
Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy and developmental activities in Africa between the 1980s and the 2000s. Contrary to common assumptions, the deradicalization of the Islamic Republic's foreign policy in Africa began not under the moderates in the early 1990s, but under the conservatives in the mid-1980s. This period marked the first time that the Islamic Republic instrumentalized development to advance its strategic interests in Africa—a policy that has continued despite the factionalization of Iran's political elite. Based on one year of archival research and interviews in Iran, this article is the first to investigate the history and activities of the Islamic Republic's rural development organization, Construction Jihad, in Africa. It posits that development, instead of arms or ideology, has enabled Iran to make the farthest inroads into the continent due to Africa's sizeable agrarian economies, widespread rural poverty, and formidable developmental challenges.

** Iran-Foreign policy-Sub-Saharan Africa;Iran-Jihad developmental activities-Sub- Saharan Africa.
Control No : 42840

33. Juneau, Thomas
Iran's policy towards the Houthis in Yemen: a limited return on a modest investment.
International Affairs(UK), 92(3), 2016(May): 647-663.

For years, mounting instability had led many to predict the imminent collapse of Yemen. These
forecasts became reality in 2014 as the country spiralled into civil war. The conflict pits an alliance of the Houthis, a northern socio-political movement that had been fighting the central government since 2004, alongside troops loyal to a former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, against supporters and allies of the government overthrown by the Houthis in early 2015. The war became regionalized in March 2015 when a Saudi Arabia-led coalition of ten mostly Arab states launched a campaign of air strikes against the Houthis. According to Saudi Arabia, the Houthis are an Iranian proxy; they therefore frame the war as an effort to counter Iranian influence. This article will argue, however, that the Houthis are not Iranian proxies; Tehran's influence in Yemen is marginal. Iran's support for the Houthis has increased in recent years, but it remains low and is far from enough to significantly impact the balance of internal forces in Yemen. Looking ahead, it is unlikely that Iran will emerge as an important player in Yemeni affairs. Iran's interests in Yemen are limited, while the constraints on its ability to project power in the country are unlikely to be lifted. Tehran saw with the rise of the Houthis a low cost opportunity to gain some leverage in Yemen. It is unwilling, however, to invest larger amounts of resources. There is, as a result, only limited potential for Iran to further penetrate Yemen.


34. Clubb, Gordon
The Role of Former Combatants in Preventing Youth Involvement in Terrorism in Northern Ireland: A Framework for Assessing Former Islamic State Combatants.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 39(9), 2016(June): 842-861.

The article engages with emerging debates on the potential role returning Islamic State fighters may have in preventing violence and whether nonviolent radical ideology acts as a conveyor-belt or firewall to violence. Rather than focusing on former combatant ideologies, it demonstrates how framing processes—not ideology per se—are more salient indicators of whether former combatants will act as conveyor-belts or firewalls to violence. The analytical framework developed for analyzing framing processes is then applied to the case of Northern Ireland. It argues that ideology shapes and constrains the type of antiviolence framing that may emerge, which provides a middle ground between the two perspectives in the literature. Furthermore, the article highlights the importance of network structures, incentives, and opportunities insofar as these can shape anti violence framing and improve resonance among audiences. While recognizing the differences between cases, the framework is then used to argue that former Islamic State combatants can play preventative role depending on whether their anti violence framing is based on durable structural conditions, de-glamorizes violence, and is supported by networks that incentivize its diffusion—not on whether they have denounced their ideology.

** Ireland-Terrorism;Ireland-Islamic state combatants.
Control No : 42839


35. Xypolia, Ilia
From Mare Nostrum to Insula Nostra: British Colonial Cyprus and the Italian Imperial Threat.
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 2016, 105(3): 287- 296.

As part of its growing imperial aspirations that were part of the so-called Mare Nostrum attempt, the Italian Empire sought to build up nationalist propaganda on Cyprus. The irredentist activities and propaganda  coordinated by the Italian Embassy in Cyprus alarmed the British governors and the Foreign Office. By drawing upon archival documents, this article analyses the evolution of the strategic importance of Cyprus for the British Empire, which began in response to the perceived threat posed by the Italian Empire during the interwar period. The main argument put forward here is that under these new circumstances Cyprus became a significant geostrategic possession for the British Empire. The Italian Empire, having colonised the Dodecanese islands of the Aegean Sea, was gradually making its presence felt in Cyprus in the 1920s and went on to do so more vigorously in the 1930s. The Italian ambassador was perceived as persona non grata by the British government in Cyprus. It was therefore difficult for the British Empire under the actual, or at least the perceived, threat of Italian influence to permit Cypriots to exercise their right of self-determination.

** Italy-Imperial policy-Cyprus;UK-Imperial policy-Cyprus;Italian Consulate in Cyprus.
Control No : 42856


36. Nuti, Leopoldo
Extended Deterrence and National Ambitions: Italy’s Nuclear Policy, 1955–1962.
Journal of Strategic Studies, 39(4), 2016: 559-579.

Throughout the Cold War, Italy was one of the most steadfast NATO allies in hosting American nuclear weapons on its territory. Such a policy could easily be construed as an example of almost automatic confidence in the US nuclear umbrella, yet only on the surface did extended deterrence appease Italian anxieties about the uncertainties of the American nuclear guarantee. The Italian rationale for accepting a large array of US nuclear weapons did as a matter of fact involve a complex mix of reasons, ranging from trying to ensure that the Italian government would be consulted in the event of a major crisis, to willingness to enhance the country’s profile inside any Western multilateral fora. The paper will investigate this policy by looking at how the Italian government behaved at the height of the NATO nuclear sharing debate, between 1957 and 1962, arguably one of the historical moments in the Cold War when the concept of extended deterrence was most intensely discussed. Drawing up on hitherto classified archival sources as well as on some less-known public ones, the paper will show how Italian diplomats, military leaders and policymakers understood the dangers and political implications of US nuclear policies. It will, hopefully, demonstrate that Italy’s persistent search for a multilateral solution to the nuclearisation of NATO strategy shows that Italy never saw extended deterrence as a solution per se, but only as a temporary means to an end.

** Italy-Nuclear policy;Italy-Nuclear weapons.
Control No : 42852


37. Hoey, Fintan
Japan and Extended Nuclear Deterrence: Security and Non-proliferation.
Journal of Strategic Studies, 39(4), 2016: 484-501.

To an observer, Japan’s approach to nuclear weapons can appear confused and contradictory. The only country to have been attacked with nuclear weapons is variously described as a pacifist and non-nuclear nation and as a proliferation threat. These widely varied and conflicting conclusions are understandable given that conflicting messages are sent by senior figures. However Japan’s stance is in fact a coherent, if not uncomplicated, response both to its security needs and to domestic public opinion. However, the security provided by US extended nuclear deterrence underlines and enables this approach. The key policies and decisions were taken in both Washington and Tokyo between China’s first nuclear test (1964) and Japan’s ratification of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (1976). How the United States came to offer this additional security guarantee to Japan and how Japan came to rely upon it underscore this complex stance and are crucial to understanding a longstanding and ongoing security arrangement and source of stability and security in northeast Asia.

** Japan-Non-Proliferation Treaty-USA;Japan-Nuclear Weapons;Japan-Nuclear deterrence.
Control No : 42848


38. Gutkowski, Stacey
We are the very model of a moderate Muslim state: The Amman Messages and Jordan’s foreign policy.
International Relations, 30(2), 2016(June): 206-226.

Despite its significance to one of the most problematic discursive binaries of the ‘War on Terror’, moderation has been a largely taken for granted theoretical and empirical category in the discipline of International Relations. To prompt further conversation, this article examines ‘Islamic moderation’ as part of Middle Eastern states’ nation branding in the decade and half since 9/11, using Jordan as a case study. I argue that while Jordan’s official and state- endorsed civil society efforts to promote ‘moderate Islam’ and interfaith dialogue stem in part from authentic interest in promoting dialogue and peace, the Jordanian Hashemite regime has also used the Amman Messages to deepen political trust with the United States, attempting to instrumentalize the moral authority of religion as a form of state productive power. It has done so by playing on a myth of religious moderation which has resonated in both the Middle East and the West since 9/11.

** Jordan-Foreign policy;Jordan-War on terror;Jordan-Religious moderation.
Control No : 42846


39. Kipgen, Nehginpao
Decoding Myanmar’s 2015 election.
Asian Affairs, 47(2), 2016: 215-233.

The election helps the democratization process move forward. However, the nature of power transition suggests that some authoritarian elements are likely to remain entrenched. The article (which gives a full account of the election including the election process, the parties involved, the results and the negotiations following the elections including those involving Aung Sang Suu Kyi) argues that holding of a free and fair election is important for democratization but does not guarantee a successful transition to consolidated democracy.

** Myanmar-Democracy;Myanmar-Elections.
Control No : 42867


40. Jonsson, Michael, Brennan, Elliot and O'Hara, Christopher
Financing War or Facilitating Peace? The Impact of Rebel Drug Trafficking on Peace Negotiations in Colombia and Myanmar.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 39(6), 2016(June): 542-559.

Rebel involvement in drug trafficking is broadly found to prolong and intensify civil wars. Being an illicit good with strong demand, high profit margins, limited barriers to entry, and few interdiction opportunities, narcotic drugs disproportionately benefit rebel groups as a source of funding in civil wars. Furthermore, drug trafficking is believed to prolong civil wars by creating war economies that benefit rebel groups, making them reluctant to engage in peace negotiations. However, recent peace agreements suggest that drug trafficking can in some cases be used to “buy off” rebel leaders, whereas other insurgents willingly relinquish this source of funding. This article compares attempts at conflict resolution in Colombia and Myanmar, focusing on the impact drug trafficking by Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolutionary Armed Forces of  Colombia) and United Wa State Army has on contemporary peace negotiations.

** Myanmar-Drug Trafficking;Colombia-Drug Trafficking.
Control No : 42836


41. Braat, Eleni
Recurring Tensions between Secrecy and Democracy: Arguments about the Security Service in the Dutch Parliament, 1975–1995.
Intelligence and National Security, 31(4), 2016(June): 532-555.

There is a recurring tension between secrecy and democracy. This article analyzes the continually ambiguous relations between intelligence and security agencies and their parliamentary principals. I present a novel conceptual framework to analyze political relations influenced by secrecy. I draw on Albert Hirschman's concepts of exit, voice and loyalty and Max Weber's ideal types of the ethics of conviction and responsibility. The focus is a case study of the Dutch parliament and Security Service between 1975 and 1995. The analysis demonstrates how parliament can deal constructively with the secret services. This depends both on party-political responses to secrecy and strategic responses on the part of the secret services to deteriorating relationships with parliament.

** Netherlands-Parliament security service.
Control No : 42827


42. Wigell, Mikael and Vihma, Antto
Geopolitics versus geoeconomics: the case of Russia's geostrategy and its effects on the EU.
International Affairs(UK), 92(3), 2016(May): 605-627.

Geopolitics and geoeconomics are often addressed together, with the latter seen as a sub-variant of the former. This article shows the usefulness of differentiating them at a conceptual level. By juxtaposing traditional geopolitics and geoeconomics, we suggest that they have remarkably different qualities and implications for their targets, on both national and international levels. Importantly, these include the formation of alliances, and whether they are driven by balancing, bandwagoning or underbalancing dynamics. An analysis of Russia's shifting geostrategy towards Europe shows these differences in practice. Russian geoeconomics has long been successful as a ‘wedge strategy’, dividing the EU. As a result, the EU has under balanced and its Russia policies have been incoherent. The observable tendencies in 2014–15 towards a more coherent European approach can be explained by the changing emphasis in Russia's geostrategy. Russia's turn to geopolitics works as a centripetal force, causing a relative increase in EU unity. Centripetal tendencies due to heightened threat perception can be observed in the economic sanctions, emerging German leadership in EUforeign policy, and discussion on energy union. The analysis calls for more attention to the way strategic choices—geopolitics versus geoeconomics—affect the coherence of threatened states and alliance patterns.

** Russia-Geostrategy; Russia-Diplomatic strategy-European Union; Russia- Geoeconomics.
Control No : 42834


43. Jang, Se Young
The Evolution of US Extended Deterrence and South Korea’s Nuclear Ambitions.
Journal of Strategic Studies, 39(4), 2016: 502-520.

Extended deterrence has been a main pillar of the security alliance between the United States and South Korea (Republic of Korea [ROK]) since the end of the Korean War. The changing dynamics of US extended deterrence in Korea, however, affected Seoul’s strategic choices within its bilateral alliance relationship with Washington. Examining the evolution of US extended deterrence in the Korean Peninsula until the Nixon administration, this article explains why South Korea began its nuclear weapons programme in a historical context of the US–ROK alliance relationship. This article argues that President Park Chung-hee’s increasing uncertainty about the US security commitment to South Korea in the 1960s led to his decision to develop nuclear weapons in the early 1970s despite the fact that US tactical nuclear weapons were still stationed in South Korea.

** South Korea-Nuclear policy-United States;South Korea-Nuclear weapons.
Control No : 42849


44. Gupta, Ranjit
Understanding the War in Syria and the Roles of External Players: Way Out of the Quagmire?
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 2016, 105(1): 29- 41.

With Western commentators, media and think tanks still being the predominant determinant of the global international relations discourse and therefore also of the discourse relating to Syria, discerning actual realities coherently from the fog of a very biased narrative presents great challenges. Deciphering the complexities of West Asia has never been easy and the situation in Syria is particularly complicated. This article argues inter alia that the Commonwealth as an entity needs to add its efforts, voice and prestige to the global effort to prioritize the restoration of peace in West Asia in general and Syria in particular.

**Syria-War;USA-Intervention in Syria;Islamic State of Iraq and Syria;Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.
Control No : 42859

45. Barnes, Jamal
The ‘war on terror’ and the battle for the definition of torture.
International Relations, 30(1), 2016(March): 102-124.

The use of torture by the Bush administration has raised important questions regarding the strength of the torture taboo. Did US torture signal a regress of the torture prohibition? This article examines the attempts by the United States to re- define torture to better reflect its interests. However, rather than seeing this as a case  of norm regression, I show how the United States failed in its revisionist attempts to legitimise its interpretation of torture in international society. The torture taboo remained resilient to US challenges, demonstrating not only the difficulty of norm revisionism but also the robustness of the torture taboo.

** Terrorism;USA-War against terrorism.
Control No : 42843


46. Uslu, Emrullah
Jihadist Highway to Jihadist Haven: Turkey's Jihadi Policies and Western Security.
Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 39(9), 2016(June): 781-802.

Turkish support to jihadists is not merely a tactic aimed at removing Assad from power. It stems from a strategic decision on the part of Turkish authorities to influence Middle East affairs through non-state actors, much as Iran has been doing for some time. Turkey's support of jihadists transiting into Syria and its establishment of close ties with Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood are joint aspects of this strategy. Turkish authorities have permitted Al Qaeda sympathizers to use pro- government media to promote their beliefs. The authorities have adopted a new political language that fuels anti-American and anti-Western sentiments. Prosecutors who have attempted to prevent shipments of weapons to Al Qaeda–affiliated groups in Syria have been fired and in some cases incarcerated. Indeed, by now Turkish prosecutors and the Turkish National Police are thoroughly intimidated. Not a single counterterror operation has been launched to disrupt Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS)’s networks or recruitment activities. The Turkish National Intelligence Organization has been given full responsibility to deal with jihadist activities, without any active oversight, and the police are loath to venture into their territory. As a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Turkey's jihadi policies have direct and indirect impact on Western security. This article examines Turkey's jihadi policies by examining official statements, media reports, interviews, and fieldwork.

** Turkey-Jihad policies;Turkey-National Intelligence.
Control No : 42837


47. Oliver, Tim and Williams, Michael John
Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US–EU and US–UK relationships.
International Affairs(UK), 92(3), 2016(May): 547-567.

A British exit from the EU would add to growing strains on the United States’ relations with Britain and the rest of Europe, but by itself would not lead to a breakdown in transatlantic relations due to the scale of shared ideas and interests, institutional links, international pressures and commitments by individual leaders. It would, however, add to pressures on the US that could change the direction of the transatlantic relationship. From the perspective of Washington, Britain risks becoming an awkward inbetweener, beholden more than ever before to a wider transatlantic relationship where the US and EU are navigating the challenges of an emerging multipolar world. The article outlines developments in the UK, EU, Europe and the US in order to explain what Brexit could mean for the United States’ approaches to transatlantic relations. By doing so the article moves beyond a narrow view of Brexit and transatlantic relations that focuses on the future of UK–US relations. In the conclusion we map out several ways in which US views of the transatlantic relationship could be changed.

**UK-European Union diplomatic strategy;UK-Foreign relations-USA.
Control No : 42833


48. Whiteman, Richard G
Brexit or Bremain: what future for the UK's European diplomatic strategy?
International Affairs(UK), 92(3), 2016(May): 509-529.

A major public debate on the costs and benefits of the United Kingdom's membership of the European Union is presently under way. The outcome of the referendum on 23 June 2016 will be a pivotal moment in determining whether the EU has a future as a component of the UK's European diplomatic strategy or whether there is a major recalibration of how the UK relates to Europe and more widely of its role within international relations. Since accession to the European Economic Community the UK has evolved an uncodified, multipronged European diplomatic strategy. This has involved the UK seeking to reinforce its approach of shaping the security of the continent, preserving a leading diplomatic role for the UK in managing the international relations of Europe, and to maximize British trade and investment opportunities through a broadening and deepening of Europe as an economically liberal part of the global political economy. Since accession the UK's European diplomatic strategy has also been to use membership of the EU to facilitate the enhancement of its international influence, primarily as a vehicle for leveraging and amplifying broader national foreign and security policy objectives. The strategy has been consistent irrespective of which party has formed the government in the UK. Increasing domestic political difficulties with the process of European integration have now directly impacted on this European strategy with a referendum commitment. Whether a vote for a Brexit or a Bremain, the UK will be confronted with challenges for its future European strategy.

** UK-European Union membership;UK-European Union diplomatic strategy.
Control No : 42832

49. Kettle, Louise
Learning to Pull the Strings after Suez: Macmillan’s Management of the Eisenhower Administration during the Intervention in Jordan, 1958.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(1), 2016(January): 45-64.

This analysis re-instates the importance of the 1958 British intervention in Jordan within the study of Anglo–American relations and the revisionist literature on Suez. It does so by challenging the idea of British subservience to American foreign policy after the 1956 crisis, and it reveals two key lessons learnt by London: that Britain’s economy, power, and influence were in decline and that Britain could no longer intervene in the Middle East without American support. Having learnt these lessons, Prime Minister Harold Macmillan proved to be a shrewd political actor who used the opportunity of the Jordan intervention to turn the policy of the Dwight Eisenhower Administration to British ends, regaining Britain’s maximum power and prestige for the minimum loss of resources.

** UK-Foreign policy-USA;USA-Foreign policy towards Jordan;Intervention in Jordan, 1958
Control No : 42824


50. Bell, Falko
One of our Most Valuable Sources of Intelligence: British Intelligence and the Prisoner of War System in 1944.
Intelligence and National Security, 31(4), 2016(June): 556-578.

During the Second World War, secret information derived from enemy prisoners of war (POWs) was a valuable asset to British intelligence. Until 1944, the POW system had expanded from a small interrogation camp in the Tower of London to a multi-step structure with the so-called Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre, United Kingdom (CSDIC(UK)) at its top. The methods employed to collect reliable information included microphones, stool pigeons and different interrogation techniques. The results were read by all services and several ministries which provided a unique insight into German capabilities, intentions and thoughts.
** UK-Intelligence service;UK-Prisoner of War System, 1944.
Control No : 42828


51. Shin, Gi-Wook, Izatt, Hilary and Moon, Rennie J
Asymmetry of power and attention in alliance politics: the US–Republic of Korea case.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(3), 2016: 235-255.

While power asymmetry typically defines security relationships between allies, there exist other forms of asymmetry that influence alliance politics. In order to illustrate how they can shape policy outcomes that cannot be explained solely through the lens of power capabilities, the authors examine the role of relative attention that each side pays to the alliance. It is their central argument that since the client state has a greater vested interest in the alliance and given that attention depends on interest/need, the client state can leverage attention to get its way. By analysing two specific cases, the 2002 South Korean schoolgirls tragedy and the 2008 beef protests—instances where the South Koreans succeeded in compelling US concessions—the authors show that because the alliance was more central to the client state's agendas, there existed an asymmetry of attention that offered leveraging opportunities for the weaker ally. In this study, the authors emphasise the role of media attention as a key variable, and seek to contribute to debates on weaker party leverage in asymmetrical alliances.

**USA-Alliance politics;South Korea-Alliance politics;South Korea-Security relationship-USA.
Control No : 42872


52. David, Andrew and Holm, Michael
The Kennedy Administration and the Battle over Foreign Aid: The Untold Story of the Clay Committee.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(1), 2016(January): 65-92.

President John Kennedy made foreign aid a key component of his Cold War strategy, introducing it with much fanfare in 1961. He increased funding for aid projects and created several agencies aimed at modernising the under-developed world. A year later, aid was under pressure from elements in Congress that doubted both its value and accomplishments. In late 1962, Kennedy commissioned General Lucius Clay to assemble a committee to review the aims and management of America’s foreign aid programme. Reflecting the president’s desire to ensure optimal value and neutralise opponents, it also indicated Administration belief that the rhetoric of modernisation had overshadowed the relationship between aid and national security. Never intending Clay to assemble a mere rubber stamp Committee, Kennedy specifically tasked the members with investigating aid’s role in supporting the “Free World.” The effort failed. Scholars traditionally assume that it did so because Clay opposed Kennedy’s programme; however, he was supportive of the president’s efforts. Instead, its demise came at the hands of an unusual Congressional coalition that enthusiastically cut the president’s budget.

** USA-Foreign aid;America foreign aid programme;Kennedy administration.
Control No : 42825

53. Sanders, Andrew
Congressional Hearings on Northern Ireland and the “Special Relationship,” 1971–1981.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(1), 2016(January): 121-141.

In 1971, Senator Edward Kennedy co-sponsored a resolution in Congress calling for the withdrawal of British troops from Northern Ireland. The House of Representatives Sub-Committee on Europe held hearings on this resolution in February 1972 in the immediate aftermath of the deaths in Londonderry of “Bloody Sunday.” These hearings represented the first time that several high profile American political figures had spoken out on the developing conflict in Northern Ireland and, whilst the hearings did not lead to a significant change in American policy towards the conflict, the threat of further ones persisted from the Richard Nixon to the Ronald Reagan administrations. This analysis examines the impact of the 1972 Congressional hearings and the threat posed by the possibility of future ones in the wider context of United States policy towards the Northern Ireland conflict until 1981.

** USA-Foreign policy-Northern Ireland;Ronald Reagan administrations.
Control No : 42826


54. Gupta, Amit
Indian is the New Black? The Rise of Indian-Americans on American Television.
Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 2016, 105(1): 43- 55.

This article argues that the growing use of Indian-American characters in American television programming results from a combination of societal shifts in the United States as well as changes in the international system—specifically, the increasing ethnic diversity in America as well as the rise of non-western nations as important players in a globalized world that has led to a growing global market for American television programs. Further, the portrayal of such characters also ranges from what the British Broadcasting Corporation calls ‘color-blind casting’ (where the race and ethnicity of characters do not determine or limit the roles they portray) to more stereotypical renderings of the Indian-American community. It concludes by suggesting that changes in demography, as well as market forces within the United States and abroad, will probably lead not only to more Indian-Americans on television but also to their portraying roles that fit into the reality of the Indian- American status and experience in American society.

** USA-Mass Media;Indian-Americans;USA-Non-Resident Indian;USA-Indian diaspora.
Control No : 42860

Actis, Esteban7
Ankit, Rakesh25
Barnes, Jamal45
Beeson, Mark4
Bell, Falko50
Binh, Ngo Xuan22
Blanga, Yehuda U1
Braat, Eleni41
Bray, Daniel3
Brennan, Elliot40
Clubb, Gordon34
David, Andrew52
Doval, Gisela Pereyra7
Gephart, Malte9
Gupta, Amit54
Gupta, Ranjit44
Gutkowski, Stacey38
Hall, Ian23
Hoang, Ha Hai17
Hoey, Fintan37
Holm, Michael52
Homel, Peter31
Hopf, Ted14
Islam Ayyadi10
Izatt, Hilary51
Jang, Se Young43
Jonsson, Michael40
Joshi, Shashank27
Juneau, Thomas33
Kamal, Mohammed10
Kettle, Louise49
Kipgen, Nehginpao39
Kumah-Abiwu, Felix19
Leah, Christine M5
Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie28
Lob, Eric32
Lutsch, Andreas18
Masson, Nicolas31
Menon, Shivshankar26
Mishra, Rahul2
Molea, Stuart30
Moon, Rennie J51
Ng’oma, Alex Mwamba29
Nuti, Leopoldo36
O'Hara, Christopher40
Oliver, Tim47
Perry, Barbara8
Piiparinen, Touko13
Pilat, Joseph F15
Ranjan, Amit6 - 21
Sanders, Andrew53
Scrivens, Ryan8
Shin, Gi-Wook51
Smith, Nicholas Ross16
Tandon, Aakriti24
Uslu, Emrullah46
Vihma, Antto42
Wigell, Mikael42
Williams, Michael John47
Xypolia, Ilia35
Yelery, Aravind11
Yua, Mincai12
Zeng, Jinghan4


-Israeli conflict-diplomatic history1
-Antarctic policy3
-Foreign policy-China4
-Non-Proliferation Treaty-USA5
-Political Instability7
-Extremist movement8
-Defence relations-Israel10
-South China Sea dispute12
-Nuclear Deterrence-East Asia15
European Union
-Foreign policy-Ukraine16
-Trade policy17
-Foreign policy19
-Boundary issues-Bangladesh21
-Economic relations-Vietnam22
-Foreign policy23 - 24
-Foreign policy-USA25
-Foreign relations-China26
-Strategic environment27
-Tourist trade28
-Trade relations-Africa29
International Organization
International security31
-Foreign policy-Sub-Saharan Africa32
-Foreign policy-Yemen33
-Imperial policy-Cyprus35
-Nuclear policy36
-Non-Proliferation Treaty-USA37
-Foreign policy38
-Drug Trafficking40
-Parliament security service14
South Korea
-Nuclear policy-United States43
-Jihad policies46
-European Union diplomatic strategy47
-European Union membership48
-Foreign policy-USA49
-Intelligence service50
-Alliance politics51
-Foreign aid52
-Foreign policy-Northern Ireland53
-Mass Media54


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