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Foreign Affairs Records

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin, June 2016


1. Kaw, Mushtaq A
A Failed US Peace Building Project in Afghanistan: Exploring Cause–Effect Relationship.
Strategic Analysis, 40(4), 2016(June): 271-290.

This article argues that while the concept of peace building proved beneficial to Western society, it drew flak in pre-2014 Afghanistan for its inbuilt faults, the overarching US–Taliban conflict and the state failure towards meeting the prerequisites of the coalition strategy. It also argues that peace building in the immediate future of post-2014 Afghanistan is improbable due to the existing and likely conflicts between and among the Afghan government, the Taliban and the newly emerging Daesh or IS group for power, group and ideological domination. The given predicament, the article notes, is fraught with serious consequences for the war-haggard Afghans, their fragile country and its sensitive neighbourhood.

**  Afghanistan-Peace building;  Afghanistan-US military mission;  US–Taliban war.
Control No : 42879


2. Wig, Tore
Peace from the past: Pre-colonial political institutions and civil wars in Africa.
Journal of Peace Research, 53(4), 2016(July): 509-524.

Research on the relationship between political institutions and civil war has paid insufficient attention to the role of traditional institutions in developing countries. This study presents large-N evidence showing that traditional ethnic institutions with origins prior to Western colonization are associated with the prevalence of civil wars in Africa after independence. Matching ethnographic data on the pre-colonial political organization of African indigenous groups to contemporary data on ethnic groups in conflict, I investigate the relationship between the traditional organization of ethnic groups and ethnic civil wars in Africa after decolonization. Specifically, I argue that excluded groups with centralized traditional institutions can rely on these institutions to more credibly bargain with the state, and that this reduces their risk of conflict. Accordingly, I find that excluded groups with centralized pre-colonial institutions are less likely to be involved in civil wars.

**  Africa-Civil war;  Africa-Ethnic conflict;  Africa-Ethnic power relations.
Control No : 42925



3. Zhou, Ying and Luk, Sabrina
Establishing Confucius Institutes: a tool for promoting China’s soft power?
Journal of Contemporary China, 25(100), 2016: 628-642.

Soft power has become China’s new diplomatic tool to spread its influence in today’s changing international landscape. The establishment of Confucius Institutes (CIs) since 2004 to promote the understanding of Chinese language and culture is a striking example of how the government promotes soft power through cultural means. Through the macro- and micro-level analysis of CIs, this study shows that CIs fail to increase the soft power of China because many countries regard CIs as a propaganda tool and a threat to academic freedom and the local community. It shows that China’s soft power is not so attractive in the eyes of receivers. In fact, China’s aggressive cultural initiatives through the establishment of CIs have triggered another version of the ‘China threat’.

**  China-Foreign policy;  China-Economy;  One-China policy;  China-Soft power.
Control No : 42888

4. Cartier, Carolyn
A Political Economy of Rank: the territorial administrative hierarchy and leadership mobility in urban China.
Journal of Contemporary China, 25(100), 2016: 529-546.

The level or rank of an administrative division (行区等级 or 政区级别) in China—a structural condition of the sub-national territorial administrative system—is a correlate of administrative rank (行政级别). State reterritorialization of the administrative divisions (行政区划), through establishment and expansion of hundreds of cities, introduces a political economy of differentiation and change by which city governments take the measure of their administrative reach and economic capacity. How do changes to the administrative divisions involve administrative rank, economic status and territorial governing power? In Suzhou, a prefecture-level city, incommensurability between the economic status of the city and its administrative rank reveals how ‘unfair’ rank in the administrative hierarchy becomes implicated in negotiations over territorial adjustments and cadre appointments, leading to creative forms of rank adjustment. Dynamics of the administrative divisions reflect rank consciousness, influence official positions and structure urban transformation in contemporary China.

**  China-Political economy;  China-GDP;  China-Urban transformation.
Control No : 42886

5. Zeng, Jinghan
Changing Manners of Displaying Loyalties through Ideological Campaigns in Post-Deng China.
Journal of Contemporary China, 25(100), 2016: 547-562.

Ideological campaigns in post-Deng China have a strategic function of discerning loyalties of local leaders. Previous empirical studies have found that Jiang Zemin’s followers are more likely to echo Jiang’s ideological campaigns. Through a content analysis of provincial newspapers between 2005 and 2012, this study suggests that the manner of displaying loyalties has completely changed. By employing a panel-corrected standard errors (PCSE) estimation, this study finds that protégés of both Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin are less likely to echo their patron’s ideological campaigns, suggesting the shifting function of ideological campaigns from monitoring identified followers’ loyalties to recruiting new followers. This article argues that this is a result of changing elite politics and—more importantly—the different strategic use of ideological campaigns.

** China-Political mobility;  China-Economy.
Control No : 42887


6. Nozina, Miroslav and Kraus, Filip

Bosses, Soldiers and Rice Grains. Vietnamese Criminal Networks and Criminal Activities in the Czech Republic.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(3), 2016: 508-528.

Since 1975, the numbers of Vietnamese living in Europe have steadily increased. As new emigrants appeared in various countries, new types of crime came with them. Also in the Czech Republic, where a relatively large Vietnamese diaspora has been in existence since communist times, numerous Vietnamese criminal networks were established. The Vietnamese networks have a specific structure and modus operandi. Their bosses create parallel power structures within the Vietnamese diaspora and frequently merge together legal and illegal activities. The Vietnamese criminal networks are engaged in a broad spectrum of criminal activities, including economic crime, people smuggling and trafficking in drugs.

** Czech Republic-Vietnamese criminal networks;  Czech Republic-Vietnamese criminal activities.
Control No : 42910

7. Beacom, Aaron and Brittain, Ian
Public Diplomacy and the International Paralympic Committee: Reconciling the Roles of Disability Advocate and Sports Regulator.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 273-294.

Whilst the link between international diplomacy and the Olympic movement has been the subject of extensive academic and journalistic enquiry, the experience of diplomatic discourse relating to the relatively youthful Paralympic movement has received little attention. It occurs not just in the context of state diplomacy, where for example the Paralympic Games may provide a conduit for the pursuit of specific policy objectives, but also in relation to the engagement of the International Paralympic Committee [IPC] as an evolving non-state actor in the diplomatic process. The idea of the IPC as an advocacy body engaged through public diplomacy in promoting disability rights needs exploration as an element of the contemporary politics of disability. This analysis considers the relationship between the activities of the IPC and wider lobbying by disabled people’s organisations as a means of leveraging change in domestic and international policy toward disability. In relation to the global development agenda, it also assesses IPC responses to the gulf in resourcing for para-sport as well as related health and education provision between high- and low-resource regions. It considers the response of the organisation from the perspective of public diplomacy and locates that response within the wider diplomacy of development.

** Diplomacy;  Public diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy.
Control No : 42914

8. Brentin, Dario and Tregoures, Loic
Entering Through the Sport’s Door? Kosovo’s Sport Diplomatic Endeavours Towards International Recognition.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 360-378.

In December 2014, the International Olympic Committee [IOC] granted full membership to Kosovo. For the young state, which had declared its independence only in 2008, this decision meant that it could take part in the upcoming 2016 Summer Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro. This analysis illustrates the significance of Kosovo’s full IOC membership. Arguing that IOC membership can be identified as both the “end” and “beginning” of Kosovo’s diplomatic endeavour towards international recognition, the role of sport within this process is illuminated. It mirrors the strategic value of representative sport for a nation-building process as well as its particular significance for public diplomacy in Kosovo. Kosovar political elites shifted their focus towards sport because “traditional” diplomatic efforts, despite being successful to a certain extent, could not break the seemingly cemented status quo considering its United Nations [UN] status. Inclusion in the “Olympic family” represents more than just a symbolic victory for Kosovar diplomacy. The Kosovar nation-building and -branding process, emblematised through the “soft power” of representative sport, could be increasingly used to create symbolic pressure on states that have not yet recognised Kosovo;   its ultimate diplomatic goal remains to enter the UN, even if it has to be through “sport’s door.”

** Diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy;  Kosovo-Sport diplomatic endeavours.
Control No : 42918

9. Dichter, Heather L
Sporting Relations: Diplomacy, Small States, and Germany’s Post-war Return to International Sport.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 340-359.

Germany’s post-war return to international sport was not uniform across all federations. The nature of each sport—summer versus winter, team versus individual—influenced the speed with which each international sport federation dealt with the issue of Germany’s return. Some federations allowed German participation even before they formally re-admitted the country to federation membership. However, sporting relations were not the only issue considered by international federations. The historical political relations between Germany and its smaller European neighbours were as important. The combination of the historical relationship amongst European states—especially memories of the Second World War—and internal sport federation dynamics affected state relations within the broader international system. The actions taken by the international sport federations provided examples—in areas that would not result in another world war or destroy Western alliances—of how Germany could return as a full member of the international community. The debates regarding Germany’s return across a number of international sport federations reveal the complex interaction among memory, politics, and practical matters.

** Diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy;  Germany-Sport diplomacy.
Control No : 42917

10. Grix, Jonathan and Brannagan, Paul Michael
Of Mechanisms and Myths: Conceptualising States’ “Soft Power” Strategies through Sports Mega-Events.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 251-272.

Joseph Nye’s concept of “soft power” has become an increasingly used term to help explain why states—including so-called “emerging states”—are paying greater attention to acquiring various forms of cultural and political attraction. However, within mainstream International Relations, Political Science, and Sport Studies literature, a continuous debate remains as to what actually constitutes soft power, how national leaders go about acquiring it, and how forms of attraction convert into power outcomes in both the short- and long-term. This analysis endeavours to overcome these issues by offering an “ideal type” model that details states’ soft power strategies, the mechanisms they use, and the tangible future outcomes they gain.

** Diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy.
Control No : 42913

11. Huang, Reyko
Rebel Diplomacy in Civil War Full Access.
International Security, 40(4), 2016(Spring): 89-126.

In the midst of civil war, rebel groups often expend significant resources opening offices in foreign capitals, meeting with heads of state, expanding their overseas networks, appealing to international organizations, and contacting foreign media. Existing scholarship has generally neglected international diplomacy as an aspect of violent rebellion, focusing instead on rebel efforts at domestic organization. A systematic documentation of rebel diplomacy in post–1950 civil wars using new quantitative and qualitative data shows that rebel diplomacy is commonplace and that many groups demonstrate as much concern for overseas political campaigns as they do for domestic and local mobilization. Diplomacy, furthermore, is not a weapon of the militarily weak, but a tactical choice for rebel groups seeking political capital within an international system that places formidable barriers to entry on nonstate entities. An original analysis of the diplomacy of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in the Angolan civil war using archival sources further demonstrates why rebels may become active diplomats in one phase of a conflict but eschew diplomacy in another. More broadly, the international relations of rebel groups promise to be an important new research agenda in understanding violent politics.

** Diplomacy;  Rebel Diplomacy.
Control No : 42933

12. Liston, Katie and Maguire, Joseph
Sport, Empire, and Diplomacy: “Ireland” at the 1930 British Empire Games.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 314-339.

International sport, as Geoffrey Pigman has correctly observed, emerged “as a quintessential case study demonstrating the part that public diplomacy plays in contemporary diplomacy.” The British Empire Games/Commonwealth Games [BEG/CG] are one such example, being the second largest multi-national multi-sport event today. Their origins lie in the interwar era when members of sporting organisations, many of whom were active in other formal aspects of public life, considered the organisation of specific Imperial events through international networking. Described as lacking a “thoroughly analytical and interpretive account of their history,” questions of identity politics, public diplomacy and statecraft are at their core because the BEG, inaugurated in 1930, represented qualities and values that appealed to governments, civil society, and sportspeople alike. In the waning of the British Empire, the BEG was one attempt to maintain Imperial prestige and cement cultural bonds. Yet, not only is there an absence of analytical accounts of their history, but the inter-relationships between the BEG and diplomacy, and among global sport and diplomacy more broadly, have been similarly under-investigated. This absence is striking, representing a missed opportunity in understanding the development of global sport and international relations more generally.

** Diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy.
Control No : 42916

13. Pamment, James
Rethinking Diplomatic and Development Outcomes through Sport: Toward a Participatory Paradigm of Multi-Stakeholder Diplomacy.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 231-250.

Sport diplomacy provides a challenging example of how diplomatic practice is changing in light of a proliferation of actors, agendas, and modes of communication. This context has inspired greater interest in techniques for managing the participation of others in the pursuit of desired outcomes, such as debates surrounding multi-stakeholder diplomacy, public diplomacy, and soft power. However, these debates often derive from an instrumentalist perspective of exerting influence and securing outcomes. Sport, on the other hand, involves sites and practices capable of supporting communities in the identification of their own goals, and of supporting the development of strategies and skills that can achieve those goals. Its participatory qualities challenge instrumentalist approaches to diplomatic objective setting, and potentially reveal some of the ways in which diplomacy can be more diffuse and inclusive. This article uses the example of sport diplomacy to question the basis for instrumentalist diplomatic objective setting and to explore the theoretical basis for participatory models of multi-stakeholder diplomacy.

** Diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy.
Control No : 42912

14. Postlethwaite, Verity and Grix, Jonathan
Beyond the Acronyms: Sport Diplomacy and the Classification of the International Olympic Committee.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 295-313.

Diplomacy often finds itself reduced to actions centred on states. However, after the Cold War, international relations and diplomacy have expanded with different actors growing into significant roles, particularly in the increase of diplomatic relations in the context of sport. The classification and significance of other actors remains under-researched in relation to sport, with literature focusing more on the growth of new and varying practices of diplomacy. This analysis contends that there is a need to interrogate fundamental components of modern diplomacy—with the actor being the focus—more specifically the classification of sports organisations in diplomacy. It is relevant as a more accurate understanding of sports organisations will contribute to how diplomatic studies can analyse and evaluate modern diplomacy within the context of sport. The International Olympic Committee is the actor used to illustrate how problematic classifications currently in the academic literature translate into weak and reduced analysis and evaluation of its role and significance in diplomacy. As counterpoint, this analysis proposes an analytical framework of socio-legal theory that harnesses legal regulation as a benchmark to classify an actor’s capacity within a society. In consequence, the IOC is as an active and significant contributor to the ever expanding and complex diplomatic environment and wider society.

** Diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy;  International Olympic committee.
Control No : 42915

15. Rofe, J Simon
Sport and Diplomacy: A Global Diplomacy Framework.
Diplomacy and statecraft, 27(2), 2016: 212-230.

The actors, or “players,” involved in the transactions of diplomacy occasioned by sport are manifold. In the case of the world’s “global game”—association football—they include but are not limited to individual footballers, football clubs, national leagues, national associations, football’s international governance structures, multi-national sponsors, and numerous hangers on. Importantly for this analysis, such a panoply of actors creates an architecture, replicated across other sports, which speak to the necessity of furthering the understanding of the relationship between sport and diplomacy. These two phenomena share a long-standing similarity in global affairs;   both having been over-looked as means of comprehending relations between different polities otherwise centred on the nation-state. This exegesis advances our understanding in two areas. First, it addresses the parameters of the discussion of “sport and diplomacy” and problematises the discourse between the two with a note on language;   and second, it utilises a framework provided by an appreciation of “global diplomacy” to explore concepts of communication, representation, and negotiation in sport and diplomacy.

** Diplomacy;  Global diplomacy;  Sport diplomacy;  Chinese super league.
Control No : 42911


16. Bauer, Deborah
Planting the espionage tree: the French military and the professionalization of intelligence at the end of the nineteenth century.
Intelligence and National Security, 31(5), 2016: 659-673.

Intelligence in France evolved as it professionalized at the end of the nineteenth century, led by determined individuals within the French army. However, in the centuries prior to the professionalization of espionage and counterespionage, military men rejected intelligence, viewing the practice with skepticism and disdain. This article asserts that there was a change in views towards espionage, particularly among the military, beginning in the middle of the nineteenth century. As the army went from eschewing intelligence to embracing it and taking the lead in its practice, the nature of intelligence work in France consequently reflected the goals and aims of the army, prioritizing military intelligence over others.

** France-Military intelligence;  French diplomacy;  Franco–Prussian war.
Control No : 42889


17. Nasuti, Peter
Administrative Cohesion and Anti-Corruption Reforms in Georgia and Ukraine.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(5), 2016: 847-867.

Previous studies of former communist countries have linked decentralisation of power to a greater likelihood of reform. An analysis of the anti-corruption drives in Georgia and Ukraine after their respective ‘colour revolutions’, however, suggests that Georgia’s greater centralisation was integral to its success in enacting anti-corruption measures. In explaining why this contradictory result happened, this article argues that a centralised government can be more effective at implementing reforms than a decentralised one as long as the background and preferences of the ruling administration are conducive to change.

** Georgia-Anti-corruption reforms;  Ukraine-Anti-corruption reforms.
Control No : 42895


18. Siddi, Marco
German Foreign Policy towards Russia in the Aftermath of the Ukraine Crisis: A New Ostpolitik?
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 665-677.

This essay investigates the shift in Germany’s Ostpolitik approach to Russia as a result of the latter’s increasing domestic authoritarianism and assertive foreign policy, particularly its violations of international law in the Ukraine crisis. This prompted Germany to take the initiative in formulating EU sanctions against Russia. However, Germany has attempted to reconcile the sanctions policy with a diplomatic approach to resolving the Ukraine crisis by seeking ways of engaging Moscow on broader security and economic issues, as Russia is considered an essential factor in European and global security and a key energy supplier. Thus, Ostpolitik has not been abandoned altogether;   it continues to play a role and shapes the long-term objectives of Germany’s Russia policy.

** Germany-Foreign policy-Russia;  Ukraine-Civil conflict.
Control No : 42902


19. Sahoo, Pravakar and Bishnoi, Ashwani
Role of Japanese official development assistance in enhancing infrastructure development in India.
Contemporary South Asia, 24(1), 2016: 50-74.

Assistance to India from Japan under its Official Development Aid (ODA) programme has been particularly important for infrastructure development. India has been the single largest recipient of Japanese ODA since 2003–2004. Most of it has been directed towards long-term participation in infrastructure, much of which comes from the enormous demand. With the Indian Prime Minister’s visit on 3 August 2014, Japan committed to invest $35 billion in different sectors focusing on infrastructure in the coming five years. This investment will boost India’s infrastructure sector. Poor infrastructure is a constraint to sustaining India’s high and inclusive growth rate. One major bottleneck in infrastructure development is infrastructure financing (along with many others, such as land acquisition, environment clearance, and cost-time overruns). In this context, the paper explores the impact of Japanese ODA on the infrastructure sector in India, the trends and priority sectors for Japanese ODA, and the problems and challenges of this developing relationship.

** India-Development assistance-Japan;  India-Official development aid-Japan.
Control No : 42922


20. Li, Mingjiang
From Look-West to Act-West: Xinjiang’s role in China–Central Asian relations.
Journal of Contemporary China, 25(100), 2016: 515-528. From Look-West to Act-West: Xinjiang’s role in China–Central Asian relations.
Journal of Contemporary China, 25(100), 2016: 515-528.

China has been quite successful in developing its relations with Central Asian states and expanding its influence in the region since the 1990s. Most analysts contribute the success to the strategy and policy of China’s national central government. This observation certainly has a lot of truth, but at the same time we should not neglect or downplay the role that the local government in Xinjiang has played in cementing China–Central Asian ties. Xinjiang has functioned as an indispensable actor in China’s look-west and act-west policies towards Central Asia and beyond. With Chinese foreign policy elites increasingly interested in using the act-west policy as part of their counter-hedging strategy in Asia, Xinjiang appears to enjoy many more opportunities and play an even more significant role in China’s relations with countries in its western flank.

** India-Foreign policy-China;  China-Economic relations-Central Asia;  China-Counter-hedging strategy-Central Asia;  China-Foreign policy-Central Asia.
Control No : 42885


21. Kuika, Cheng-Chwee
How Do Weaker States Hedge? Unpacking ASEAN states’ alignment behavior towards China.
Journal of Contemporary China, 25(100), 2016: 500-514.

The extant literature on alignment behavior has focused primarily on the macro dimensions, i.e. the typology, manifestations and implications of states’ alignment choices vis-à-vis the great power(s). Relatively few studies have examined the micro aspects of alignment choices. This article attempts to fill in the gap by unpacking the constituent component of weaker states’ alignment decisions, with a focus on ASEAN states’ hedging behavior in the face of a rising China in the post-Cold War era. It contends that the enduring uncertainty at the systemic level has compelled the states to hedge by pursuing contradictory, mutually counteracting transactions of ‘returns-maximizing’ and ‘risk-contingency’ options, which seek to offset the potential drawbacks of one another, as a way to project a non-taking-sides stance while keeping their own fallback position at a time when the prospect of power structure is far from clear.

**  India-Foreign relations-China;  China-Hedging behavior-Asian Countries;  China-Diplomatic relations-Asian Countries;  China-Economic relations-Asian Countries.
Control No : 42884

22. Zhao, Suisheng and Qi, Xiong
Hedging and Geostrategic Balance of East Asian Countries toward China.
Journal of Contemporary China, 25(100), 2016: 485-499.

While most East Asian countries have opted for a hedge strategy to preserve a maximum range of strategic options in response to the rise of China, some countries have engaged in geostrategic balance through collective bargaining and strategic alignments with the US and with each other. The divergent threat perceptions and complicated historical animosities among East Asian countries, however, have set a limitation on the geostrategic balance. Therefore, to bandwagon with China could be a realistic choice for many countries. Historically, the most successful rising powers have been those which attracted the greatest number of bandwagoners. China cannot rise successfully without winning the support of its Asian neighbors. The long term peace and stability in the region, therefore, depends not only on whether China’s neighbors can work together to balance China but also whether China can balance its relationships in its own backyard so that its neighbors find bandwagoning a positive choice.

**  India-Foreign relations-China;   China-Security relations-Neighboring Countries;   China-Diplomatic relations-Neighboring Countries;   China-Economic relations-Neighboring Countries.

Control No : 42883

23. Chaturvedi, Rohini
India's forest federalism.
Contemporary South Asia, 24(1), 2016: 1-18.

This article is about forest governance in India and presents a unique, federalism perspective on the subject. While forest governance and federalism have both been deeply researched in academic scholarship, there is little work that deals with the linkages between the two. In addressing this gap in scholarship, the article explains forest federalism through a focus on three dimensions. The first is the Constitutional construct of the forest sector, and its interpretations through legislative provisions. The second is the administrative, financial and institutional linkages between the Centre and States, including the influence of the Indian Forest Service. The third looks at vertical and horizontal asymmetries in the sector, and the ways in which these relate to administrative and resource concerns in federal functioning. The paper concludes with a reflection on the relevance of forest federalism in on-going international environmental debates.

**  India-Forest governance;   India-Political economy;   India-Federalism.

Control No : 42919


24. Shahi, Deepshikha and Ascione, Gennaro
Rethinking the absence of post-Western International Relations theory in India: Advaitic monism’ as an alternative epistemological resource.
European Journal of International Relations, 22(2), 2016(June): 313-334.

The transformation of the Eurocentric epistemological base of International Relations, without inadvertently generating a ‘derivative discourse’ of Western International Relations, requires an intellectual flight over rigid boundaries of Western scientism, thereby reorienting the discipline of International Relations itself towards a post-Western epoch. As such, post-Western International Relations theory can be largely viewed as an offspring of scholastic explorations aimed at breaking epistemological imperialism in International Relations. Not surprisingly, the non-Western ‘rising powers’ in global politics are taking particular interest in designing a post-Western International Relations theory. While the notion of ‘Tianxia’ has emerged as a Chinese conceptual response to the budding intellectual curiosity surrounding post-Western International Relations, the Indian scholarly scepticism towards formulating ‘systemic’ theories projects a hazy image of the status of post-Western International Relations theory in India. This article aims at reconsidering the absence of post-Western International Relations theory in India by evaluating the fundamental Indian scriptures as a potential epistemological guide to theorise International Relations. In order to do that, the article awakens the concept of ‘Advaita’ as an untapped epistemological resource. The article is divided into four sections. The first section traces the academic space for post-Western International Relations theorisation in India. The second section evokes the notion of ‘Advaita’ as an epistemological-methodological tool to craft post-Western International Relations theory. The third section compares ‘monism’ as the common underlying epistemological foundation of ‘Tianxia’ and ‘Advaita’. Finally, the fourth section sets out to establish the credentials of ‘Advaitic monism’ as an intellectual strategy to formulate post-Western International Relations theory.

**  India-International relations;   India-International relations theory.
Control No : 42928


25. Ankit, Rakesh
A regional satrap, a Hindu nationalist and a conservative congressman: Dwarka Prasad Mishra (1901–1988)
Contemporary South Asia, 24(1), 2016: 36-49.

DP Mishra, chief minister of Madhya Pradesh from 1963 to 1967 and twice minister in Central Provinces and Berar (1937–1939, 1946–1950), was a key figure in Congress politics and provincial governance from the pre- to the post-independence period in India. Mishra was a noted Patel acolyte and a vocal critic of Nehru. A Brahmin leader, he identified with an elite-based Hindu politics of caste and community. He was also an efficient administrator and his career peaked in 1966–1967 when he acted as a counsellor to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. In this paper, I argue that his political life is an important prism through which to view Congress politics, its High Command culture, its character in provinces/states and its continuities with the colonial state in governance.

**  India-Politics and government;   Indian National Congress;   India-Provincial politics.
Control No : 42921


26. Wagner, Christian
The Role of India and China in South Asia.
Strategic Analysis, 40(4), 2016(June): 307-320.

India is often perceived as a regional power, but a closer look reveals that it is in a disadvantageous position vis-à-vis China in South Asia. The first reason is that Indian governments never had the political, economic, and military capacities to pursue their regional power ambitions with their neighbours in the long run. South Asian countries could always play the China card in order to evade India’s influence. Second, India’s new South Asia policy with the focus on trade and connectivity has improved regional cooperation since 1991. But China remains an economically more attractive and politically more reliable partner for India’s neighbours.

**  India-South Asia policy;   India-Economic relations-China;   India-Military
relations-China;   India-Economic relations-South Asia.
Control No : 42881


 -WAR OF 1971
27. Dasgupta, Chandrashekhar

The Decision to Intervene: First Steps in India’s Grand Strategy in the 1971 War.
Strategic Analysis, 40(4), 2016(June): 321-333.

The challenge that confronted India was far more formidable than the military task of defeating Pakistani forces in the east. The challenge was to assist in the birth of a new state and to secure for it recognition by the comity of nations. New Delhi was acutely aware that in the post-World War II period, no secessionist movement had achieved success. Biafra was still fresh in the minds of Indian policymakers. The principles of state sovereignty and territorial integrity were deeply entrenched in international law and practice. Despite the savage repression unleashed by the Pakistan army in the eastern wing, the international community could not be expected to accept a bifurcation of Pakistan if it were to be brought about simply through Indian military action. A new state of Bangladesh would gain international recognition only if its government was able to wrest effective control over its territory from Pakistani forces, to a substantial degree through its own efforts. At the same time, New Delhi feared that a prolonged liberation war would pass under the control of pro-Chinese Naxalite guerrillas, thereby posing a threat to India. Therefore, the challenge that confronted India was to sustain and assist an armed liberation struggle, mobilise global public opinion in favour of Bangladesh, enlist the support of at least one of the superpowers and, finally, join forces with the freedom fighters to bring the war to a speedy conclusion. Right from the outset, Mrs. Gandhi and her closest advisers decided that the political ground must first be prepared before the Indian army marched into the erstwhile East Pakistan.

**  India-War of 1971;   India-War of 1971-Pakistan;   Bangladesh-History-1971.
Control No : 42882


28. Rizvi, M Mahtab Alam
Moderates Strike Back in Iran: Imperatives for the International Community.
Strategic Analysis, 40(4), 2016(June): 239-244.

The results of the most recent Parliamentary and Assembly of Experts elections in Iran indicate that Iranians are increasingly unhappy with the conservative establishment in the country. The Reformists or moderates and pro-Rouhani group of ‘Hope’ secured a majority in the Assembly of Experts and also won more seats than their rival conservatives or Principlists in the Majlis or parliament. The elections for the two bodies were held on February 26, 2016. After almost a decade, the conservatives lost their majority in parliament, and for the first time since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, they have been badly defeated in the higher and powerful clerical body, the Assembly of Experts. The conservatives lost their majority in the house at a crucial time, when there is a high degree of speculation that this Assembly would have a decisive role in choosing the new Supreme Leader of the country. The most surprising results came from Tehran, where Reformists and their allies won all the 30 seats in parliament. Most of the parliamentarians who strongly opposed the nuclear deal and were sceptical about the final outcome, failed to retain their seats in the new Majlis. Iranians have reposed their confidence and support in Rouhani’s government and sent out a strong reply to conservatives who called the nuclear negotiator team a ‘compromiser’.

**  Iran-Parliamentary elections;   Iran-Economy;   India-Foreign relations-Iran.
Control No : 42876


29. Kudaibergenova, Diana T
The Use and Abuse of Postcolonial Discourses in Post-independent Kazakhstan.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(5), 2016: 917-935.

The article explores the concept of political postcolonialism and how political groups appropriate and contest this discourse. Elites and contesting political groups utilise postcolonial rhetoric to legitimate their political goals by projecting that their country, in this case Kazakhstan, was colonised by the Tsarist Russia and then by the Soviet Union. For President Nursultan A. Nazarbayev’s nationalising regime the status of Kazakhstan as a colony represented a vital item in post-1991 nation-building projects. Political opposition and Kazakh national-patriots contested this official discourse, blaming the regime for scarce efforts towards ‘full decolonisation’. The absence of major intellectual discussion allowed these elites and political players to reappropriate these discourses in the political rather than critical intellectual domain.

**  Kazakhstan-Post-Soviet postcolonialism;   Kazakhstan-Colonial status;   Kazakhstan-Nation-building.
Control No : 42897


30. Phillips, Matthew D
Time series applications to intelligence analysis: a case study of homicides in Mexico.
Intelligence and National Security, 31(5), 2016: 729-745.

The scale of lethal violence in Mexico seen in the past decade has been a pressing concern for both Mexican and US officials, including law enforcement organizations, intelligence agencies, and policy makers. With much of the homicides being a result of the trafficking of illegal drugs, it has been suggested that the homicides in Mexico follow seasonal patterns tied to the drug trade, specifically to the cultivation of heroin. In this paper, conventional econometric time series methods are applied to test this hypothesis. Results demonstrate that not only do the drug-related homicides in Mexico display evidence of seasonality, but also that seasonality appears empirically related to the heroin trade. The paper makes the larger argument that time series and other statistical methods are an untapped resource that can complement standard intelligence analysis to support defensible judgments based on the scientific method of inquiry. However, a fuller integration of statistics and traditional analysis would require sufficient support structures be developed to encourage and promote such analysis.

**  Mexico-Lethal violence;   Mexico-Homicides;   Mexico-Drug-related homicides.
Control No : 42892


31. Zofka, Jan
The Transformation of Soviet Industrial Relations and the Foundation of the Moldovan Dniester Republic.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(5), 2016: 826-846.

The debate about post-socialist internal conflict has overcome the ‘ethnic turn’ and increasingly focuses on actors. For the case of separatism in the Moldovan Dniester Valley, research has highlighted the crucial role of industrial factory directors. These managers mobilised their factories’ employees. To refine the knowledge of how collective conflict actors are formed, this article asks the question: what enabled directors to mobilise ‘their’ workers? The sources show that, on the one hand, the managers’ political power was rooted in typical Soviet enterprise structures;   on the other, it was further strengthened by perestroika market reforms and the economic crisis entangled to them. These results suggest that separatist mobilisation and internal conflict were entangled to social transformation and functioned as a catalyst to the process of (re-)distribution of capital and power.

**  Moldovan Dniester Republic-Foundation;   Dniester Valley-Separatist movement;   Pridnestrovskaya Moldavskaya Respublika;   USSR-Industrial relations.
Control No : 42894


32. Dukalskis, Alexander
North Korea’s Shadow Economy: A Force for Authoritarian Resilience or Corrosion?
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(3), 2016: 487-507.

An unofficial or ‘shadow’ economy like that in contemporary North Korea generates countervailing pressures for a socialist regime. It can buttress the regime by facilitating the cynical use of anti-market laws, alleviating shortages, helping the official economy to function, and creating vested interests in the status quo. On the other hand, the shadow economy can corrode the regime’s power by diminishing its control over society, encouraging scepticism about collective ideologies, and providing networks and material that can be used for opposition to the state. This article analyses these tensions in the DPRK, by drawing on 35 semi-structured interviews with North Korean defectors.

**  North Korea-Economy;   North Korea-Economic development.
Control No : 42909

33. Grunden, Walter E
Hungnam revisited: the ‘secret’ nuclear history of a North Korean city.
Intelligence and National Security, 31(5), 2016: 715-728.

This article critically examines allegations that Hŭngnam, North Korea, served as a transwar site of nuclear weapons research conducted first by Imperial Japan during World War II, then by the Soviet Union in the postwar period, and subsequently by North Korea itself. Rumors of ‘nuclear research’ being conducted there likely derived from and were conflated with reports of secretive efforts by these parties to prospect for, to mine, and to dress uranium-bearing ores in the surrounding area. The article presents new information from recently declassified CIA records and current Russian research.

**  North Korea-Nuclear Weapons;   Korean war;   North Korea-Nuclear program.
Control No : 42891


34. Bahry, Donna
Opposition to Immigration, Economic Insecurity and Individual Values: Evidence from Russia.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(5), 2016: 893-916.

Since 1991, Russia has become one of the leading immigration destinations in the industrialised world. The inflow has prompted substantial public opposition, as surveys show that half or more of the public want to limit new arrivals. The sources of public disapproval, however, are unclear: while public discourse includes complaints about perceived economic and cultural ills of immigration, research on public opinion finds that neither economic nor cultural concerns have a consistent impact on individual attitudes. This study provides a new analysis, showing that economic vulnerability and cultural orientations (such as social conservatism and low levels of interpersonal trust) play a significant role in shaping anti-immigrant sentiment.

**  Russia-Economic insecurity;   Russia-Economic vulnerability.
Control No : 42896

35. Lukin, Alexander
The Emerging International Ideocracy and Russia’s Quest for Normal Politics.
Strategic Analysis, 40(4), 2016(June): 255-270.

This article analyses modern Western society from the standpoint of the concept of ‘ideocracy’. The author suggests that the development of mass societies and mass ideologies—noted by a number of theorists and philosophers since the end of the 19th century—led to a qualitatively new level of social development in the second half of the 20th century. The globalisation of the economy and mass communications has led to the globalisation of the masses, beyond the confines of national borders. That, in turn, has served as the basis for the appearance of a new social structure: the international ideocracy. This article describes the primary features of that structure, the path of its likely development and its interaction with the non-ideological world—as defined by the notion of ‘normalcy’. It also examines Russia’s possible path of development as a state that finds itself on the borders of ideological societies.

**  Russia-Ideocracy;   Russia-Ideocratic systems.
Control No : 42878


36. Romanova, Tatiana
Russian Challenge to the EU’s Normative Power: Change and Continuity.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(3), 2016: 371-390.

The article examines how Russian criticism of the normative power Europe (NPE) has evolved. Initially Russia insisted that NPE arguments covered realpolitik. However, two new approaches have recently emerged in Russian reporting on human rights in the EU. One is the demonstration that the EU does not qualify as a normative power. Another is the development of an alternative interpretation of human rights. Russia has, therefore, mastered all NPE critiques. This has occurred as the result of a change in how Russia views international relations. Moscow’s ultimate goal has, however, remained unchanged;   it is to reaffirm its equality with key global players.

**  Russia-Normative power Europe;   Russia-Human rights-EU;   European Union-Normative power.
Control No : 42908


37. Millar, Gearoid
Local experiences of liberal peace: Marketization and emergent conflict dynamics in Sierra Leone.
Journal of Peace Research, 53(4), 2016(July): 569-581.

Over the past 20 years scholars have repeatedly highlighted the complex relationship between conflict, peace and economics. It is today accepted that economic factors at the global, regional, national and local levels can promote conflict in various ways and that economic factors are therefore central in establishing a sustainable post-conflict peace. However, while the scholarly literature includes much nuance regarding the precise nature of these complex relationships, practices of peacebuilding are often far less nuanced. Instead there is a tendency to pin the hopes of fragile post-conflict states on establishing a liberalized and supposedly peace-promoting economy and a worrying absence of grounded assessments of the impacts of such policies. This article argues that the resulting lack of clarity regarding the local impacts of such peacebuilding mechanisms contributes to continued unwarranted enthusiasm for marketization among policymakers and practitioners. This issue is addressed directly by exploring the destabilizing and potentially conflict-inducing impacts of one foreign direct investment (FDI) project in rural Sierra Leone. The dominance of liberal approaches to economic policy within peacebuilding has recently combined with a surge in large-scale FDI projects, often labelled as ‘land-grabs’, which can be interpreted as a direct embodiment of the liberal peace paradigm. While the liberal peace assumes that such projects will help by paying taxes, rebuilding state capacity and employing idle young males, the article illustrates that among local populations such projects can be experienced as deeply disruptive and potentially conflict-promoting. It therefore describes four specific mechanisms by which the project in this setting endangers Sierra Leone’s still precarious transition to peace. The article concludes with recommendations for peacebuilding theorists, policy advocates and practitioners trying to navigate the difficult waters of post-conflict peacebuilding by way of large-scale FDI and marketization in general.

**  Sierra Leone-Foreign direct investment;   Sierra Leone-Liberal peace;   Sierra Leone-Marketization;   Sierra Leone-Peacebuilding.
Control No : 42926


38. Sultana, Gulbin
Sri Lanka after Rajapaksa: Can it Ignore China?
Strategic Analysis, 40(4), 2016(June): 245-254.

Since the fall of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government, there has been an apparent foreign policy shift in Sri Lanka. There is a growing view that the new National Unity Government (NUG), which came to power in January 2015 with Maithripala Sirisena as President, has shown its proclivities towards India and the US and moved away from China, especially under Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. In fact, it is commonly believed that the new government is allowing the US and India to increase their influence on Sri Lanka, the same way as Mahinda Rajapaksa had allowed China to increase its presence in the country. However, this essay argues that while relations with the US and India have improved under the current government, it will not be easy for Sri Lanka to come out of the Chinese influence both because of its own economic compulsions—to a large extent engendered by the debt it has availed from China during the last decade—and paradoxically, also because of China’s continued zeal to stay engaged in the economic domain.

**  Sri Lanka-Economic relations-China;   Sri Lanka- Bilateral economic ties-China;   India-Foreign relations -Sri Lanka.
Control No : 42877

39. Athukorala, Prema-chandra
Sri Lanka's post-civil war development challenge: learning from the past.
Contemporary South Asia, 24(1), 2016: 19-35.

The end of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka in 2009 generated widespread expectations of a period of sustained economic growth, building on the achievements of the liberalization reforms over the three previous decades. However, recent developments have dampened that optimism, rekindling fears that Sri Lanka's tale of missed opportunities may continue. The analysis in this paper suggests that the return to the failed past policies of inward-oriented development strategies offers no viable solutions for the economic problems confronting Sri Lanka.

**  Sri Lanka-Ethnic conflict;   Sri Lanka-Economic growth;   Sri-Lanka-Foreign debt.
Control No : 42920


40. Spencer, Jonathan
Securitization and its discontents: the end of Sri Lanka's long post-war?
Contemporary South Asia, 24(1), 2016: 94-108.

In the 5 years after the 2009 defeat of the secessionist insurgency by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, the Sri Lankan armed forces expanded in numbers, moving into unexpected niches – tourism, urban planning, training university students. With the defeat of the Rajapkasa government in 2015, this process of ‘securitization’ or ‘militarization’ appeared to go into swift retreat. This paper considers the experience of the post-war years and asks what was permanent and what was less permanent in Sri Lanka's post-war experiment in securitization. The paper is a revised version of the Keynote Lecture delivered at the 29th Annual Conference of the British Association of South Asian Studies, held at the University of Portsmouth in April 2015. The theme of the conference was the securitisation of South Asia.

**  Sri Lanka-Securitization;   Sri-Lanka-Armed forces.
Control No : 42924


41. Jirasinghe, Ramya Chamalie
The International Community’s Intervention during the Conclusion of the War in Sri Lanka.
Strategic Analysis, 40(4), 2016(June): 291-306.

This article explores the backdrop of the engagement between the International Community (IC) and the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) over the conduct of the military during the last stages of its engagement with the secessionist Tamil militants which (especially from January to May 2009) led to a humanitarian crisis. The efforts of the IC to persuade the GoSL to halt the military operations and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to concede defeat, to ensure human security, were a failure. This article discusses the IC’s engagement with the GoSL, which followed an ambivalent posture—advocating a political solution as a means of ending the war while supporting the GoSL’s military engagement—and explores how such deliberate ambivalence enabled the GoSL to subvert the authority of the IC and consolidate its position both locally and globally, to take the military engagement to a decisive conclusion. Furthermore, the paper contends that the GoSL could successfully, albeit temporarily, resist the IC’s efforts at intervention to safeguard human security in the war zone, which led to a humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka.

**  Sri Lanka-Tamil militants;   Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam;   Sri Lanka-International Community Intervention.
Control No : 42880


42. Byman, Daniel
Understanding the Islamic State—A Review Essay Full Access.
International Security, 40(4), 2016(Spring): 127-165.

This article reviews several recent books on the Islamic State in order to understand its goals, motivations, strategy, and vulnerabilities. It argues that the Islamic State's ideology is powerful but also highly instrumental, offeringthe group legitimacy and recruiting appeal. Raison d'etat often dominates its decision making. The Islamic State's strength is largely a consequence of the policies and weaknesses of its state adversaries. In addition, the group has many weaknesses of its own, notably its brutality, reliance on foreign fighters, and investment in a state as well as its tendency to seek out new enemies. The threat the Islamic State poses is most severe at the local and regional levels. The danger of terrorism to the West is real but mitigated by the Islamic State's continued prioritization of the Muslim world and the heightened focus of Western security forces on the terrorist threat. A high-quality military force could easily defeat Islamic State fighters, but there is no desire to deploy large numbers of Western ground troops, and local forces have repeatedly shown many weaknesses. In the end, containing the Islamic State and making modest rollback efforts may be the best local outcomes.

**  Terrorism;   Islamic State.
Control No : 42934

43. Haer Roos and Bohmelt, Tobias
Child soldiers as time bombs? Adolescents’ participation in rebel groups and the recurrence of armed conflict.
European Journal of International Relations, 22(2), 2016(June): 408-436.

The existent work on child soldiering began only recently to systematically study its consequences, both theoretically and empirically. The following article seeks to contribute to this by examining the impact of rebels’ child soldier recruitment practices during war on the risk of armed conflict recurrence in post-conflict societies. We argue that child soldiering in a previous dispute may increase both the willingness and opportunity to resume fighting in the post-conflict period, while disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programmes could decrease these aspects of conflict recurrence. Empirically, we analyse time-series cross-section data on post-conflict country-years between 1989 and 2005. The findings highlight that the risk of conflict recurrence does, indeed, increase with child soldiers who fought in an earlier dispute, but — counter-intuitively — is unlikely to be affected by the presence of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programmes in post-conflict societies. This research has important implications for the study of armed conflicts, child soldiering and research on post-conflict stability.
**  Terrorism;   Disarmament;   Child soldiers;   Demobilization and reintegration programmes.
Control No : 42931


44. Ramsay, Zara
Religion, politics and the meaning of self-sacrifice for Tibet.
Contemporary South Asia, 24(1), 2016: 75-93.

This paper analyses opinions of political self-sacrifice amongst Tibetan refugees, and explores their meaning for wider debates on the evolving relationship between religion and politics in the Tibetan national struggle. This is a particularly pertinent question at present, given the recent prevalence of self-immolation in Tibet and connected debates about whether such protests are religious or political issues. Does the increase of self-sacrificial political methodology indicate a secularisation process of the Tibetan movement, as some have suggested, or is it simply reflective of the natural fluidity of religion's political influence? This paper supports the latter position and seeks to explore the nature of this dynamic relationship, including the positioning within it of the Dalai Lama.

**  Tibet-Self-immolation;   Tibet-Buddhism;   Dalai Lama.
Control No : 42923


45. Hintz, Lisel
Take it outside!” National identity contestation in the foreign policy arena.
European Journal of International Relations, 22(2), 2016(June): 335-361.

Turkey’s Islamist-rooted Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party) aggressively pursued European Union accession as a primary pillar of foreign policy, only to swing sharply away from the West in subsequent years. Actor- and party-based Islamist identity approaches cannot account for Turkey’s initial European Union-centric orientation, while domestic politics and economic arguments fail to explain the timing of the shift eastward and its domestic repercussions. Examining the advantages that foreign policy offers as an alternative arena in which elites can politicize identity debates helps to distill this complexity. This article argues that elites choose to take their national identity contests to the foreign policy arena when identity gambits at the domestic level are blocked. By taking its pursuit of hegemony for Ottoman Islamism “outside” through aggressive European Union accession measures, the Justice and Development Party could weaken domestic challengers supporting a competing, Republican Nationalist proposal for identity, and broaden support for Ottoman Islamism at home. The theory of identity hegemony developed here thus explains the counter-intuitive finding that Turkey’s European Union-oriented policy helped make possible the rise of Ottoman Islamism. Turkey offers an ideal empirical window onto these dynamics because of recent and dramatic shifts in the dynamics of its public identity debates, and because Turkey’s identity is implicated in multiple international roles, such as North Atlantic Treaty Organization ally, European Union candidate country, Organization of Islamic Cooperation member, and aspirant regional power broker. The framework developed fills a gap in existing scholarship by closing the identity–foreign policy circle, analytically linking the spillover of national identity debates into foreign policy with the changes in the contours of these debates produced by their contestation in this alternative arena.

** Turkey-Foreign policy;  Turkey-Islamism;  Turkey-Justice and development party.
Control No : 42929


The Ukraine Conflict: Russia’s Challenge to European Security Governance.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 699-725.

This essay uses the concept of security governance to explore the implications of Russia’s intervention in Ukraine for the rules-based security order in Europe. It outlines key ideas in the literature about the post-Cold War European security order with respect to Russia’s role and examines Russian debates on the Ukraine conflict. It then investigates European institutions’ reaction to the conflict in order to understand to what extent Russia’s exclusion (as a result of the West’s policy of containment and deterrence) or self-exclusion now constitutes a structural factor in the security politics of the wider Europe. The essay concludes with the analysis of the challenges facing both Europe and Russia and considers the prospects for re-shaping this order to give meaning to partnership and shared security governance.

** Ukraine-Civil conflict;   Russia-Intervention in Ukraine;   European security governance.
Control No : 42904

47. Connolly, Richard
The Empire Strikes Back: Economic Statecraft and the Securitisation of Political Economy in Russia.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 750-773.
This essay considers the impact of economic statecraft, used by both Western countries and Russia in the aftermath of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014, on political economy in Russia. The first part of the essay assesses the impact that economic statecraft had on the performance of the Russian economy in the period 2014–2015. The second half of the essay considers how economic statecraft has shaped the development of the system of political economy in Russia. It is argued that the available evidence indicates that economic statecraft has resulted in several unintended consequences, including the strengthening of elite cohesion, and a creeping ‘securitisation’ of economic policy in Russia.

** Ukraine-Civil conflict; Russia-Political economy; Russia-Economic policy.
Control No : 42906

48. Davies, Lance
Russia’s ‘Governance’ Approach: Intervention and the Conflict in the Donbas.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 726-749.

This essay explores Russia’s involvement in the conflict in the Donbas by examining the extent to which Moscow’s contribution has demonstrated a governance approach. We argue that Russia’s engagement has remained in a perpetual state of flux due to contradictions in its policy, shaped by the interaction of a complex set of competing security logics. Opposing the view that Russia’s response is solely a policy of destabilisation, we put forward the view that Moscow’s behaviour has not ruled out a positive engagement in the settlement through the selective practice of certain norms and processes underpinning a governance approach.

** Ukraine-Civil conflict; Russia-Intervention in Ukraine; Ukraine-Donbas.
Control No : 42905

49. Haukkala, Hiski
A Perfect Storm;  Or What Went Wrong and What Went Right for the EU in Ukraine.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 653-664.

This essay analyses and discusses the background and the evolution of the conflict in Ukraine in light of the wider contestation between the European Union and Russia. The main argument is that the conflict in Ukraine is first and foremost a symptom and not the root cause of the wider conflict between Russia and the West. The essay puts particular emphasis on examining the problems in the EU’s approach concerning the East. In particular the problems in policy and scenario planning are pointed out. The essay ends with conclusions, warning of the potential for a wider rupture and even conflict between the EU and the West and Russia.

** Ukraine-Civil conflict; EU–Russia relations; European Union-Foreign policy.
Control No : 42901

50. Romanova, Tatiana
Sanctions and the Future of EU–Russian Economic Relations.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 774-796.

The essay examines the qualitative changes in EU–Russian relations which resulted from the 2014 sanctions. Thematic, structural and institutional aspects of the issue are analysed through the ‘level of analysis’ approach. Thematically, policy-specific and implementation measures reinforced an EU–Russian ‘divorce’ both in energy and trade. Structurally, the scope of EU–Russian dialogue narrowed in favour of relations between Moscow and member states, and in multilateral fora;  this dialogue also became dependent on Russia–US relations. Institutionally sanctions have led to the growing poverty of transgovernmental and transnational relations. As a result, achievements of previous years have been derailed, and reversal of the negative trends will prove  difficult.

** Ukraine-Civil conflict; European Union–Economic relations-Russia; Russia-Foreign relations-USA.
Control No : 42907


51. Wilson, Andrew
The Donbas in 2014: Explaining Civil Conflict Perhaps, but not Civil War.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 631-652.

This essay argues that historical and identity factors, economic fears and alienation from the new government in Kyiv were only part of the reason for the rise of the separatist movement in the Donbas, Ukraine, in the spring of 2014. They set a baseline, but one not high enough to account for the creation of two mini-‘Republics’ and a prolonged war, without considering the effect of Russian sponsorship and the role of local elites, mainly from the literal and metaphorical ‘Family’ of former President Viktor Yanukovych.

** Ukraine-Donbas; Ukraine-Civil conflict; Russia-Aggression against Ukraine.
Control No : 42900

52. Wolczuk, Kataryna and Wolczuk, Kataryna
Between Dependence and Integration: Ukraine’s Relations With Russia.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 678-698.

Ukraine’s policy towards Russia since independence in 1991 has been characterised by a predicament: how to preserve its statehood in the context of its heavy economic dependence on Russia, which was intent on Ukraine’s participation in Russian-led integration projects. In this essay we argue that only by understanding the complexities and seeming contradictions in Ukraine’s positioning vis-à-vis Russia can a full understanding of Ukraine’s commitment to Russia’s integration projects be attained. This essay systematically examines Ukraine’s responses to Russia’s initiatives and illuminates the strategy of the Ukrainian elites to extract economic benefits while minimising commitments.

** Ukraine-Foreign relations-Russia; Ukraine-Civil conflict.
Control No : 42903

53. Kulyk, Volodymyr
National Identity in Ukraine: Impact of Euromaidan and the War.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 588-608.

The essay examines the impact of the Euromaidan protests and the subsequent Russian aggression on Ukrainian national identity. It demonstrates that national identity has become more salient vis-à-vis other territorial and non-territorial identities. At the same time, the very meaning of belonging to the Ukrainian nation has changed, as manifested first and foremost in increased alienation from Russia and the greater embrace of Ukrainian nationalism. Although popular perceptions are by no means uniform across the country, the main dividing line has shifted eastwards and now lies between the Donbas and the adjacent east-southern regions.

** Ukraine-National identity; Ukraine-Nationalism; Russia-Aggression against Ukraine; Euromaidan.
Control No : 42898

54. Fedorenko, Kostyantyn, Rybiy, Olena and Umland, Andreas
The Ukrainian Party System before and after the 2013–2014 Euromaidan.
Europe-Asia Studies, 68(4), 2016: 609-630.

The formation of a party system is widely regarded as a key to successful and sustainable patterns of democratisation. In this essay we examine the evolution of the party system in Ukraine, focusing on the extent to which the Euromaidan has addressed previous problems and weaknesses. So far the post-Soviet Ukrainian party system has been exceptionally unstable as electoral legislation, the factional composition of Ukraine’s parliament, and the dominant parties in Ukraine underwent frequent changes. We argue that, despite advances in democratisation as a result of the revolutionary events of 2013–2014, the essential features of Ukraine’s party system have not changed. The legislative, ideological and organisational foundations of the Ukrainian party-political landscape and parliamentary politics have remained fragile.

** Ukraine-Party System;  Ukraine-Parliamentary politics;  Euromaidan;  Ukraine-Parliamentary elections.
Control No : 42899


55. Silove, Nina
The Pivot before the Pivot: U.S. Strategy to Preserve the Power Balance in Asia.
International Security, 40(4), 2016(Spring): 45-88.

American critics of the Barack Obama administration's 2011 “pivot to Asia” policy claim that, despite the lofty rhetoric, the United States has pursued an anemic strategy in Asia. Chinese critics of the pivot to Asia assert that it is a bellicose strategy aimed at containing China's rise. These two conflicting criticisms are addressed in a detailed historical narrative that traces the development and implementation of U.S. strategy, based on declassified documents, some of which have never before been made public, and extensive in-depth interviews with senior policymakers. Neither American nor Chinese critics of the pivot to Asia are correct. If this policy is properly dated and measured, the United States undertook a substantive military, diplomatic, and later economic reorientation toward Asia. That reorientation started in the mid-2000s, well before the pivot announcement. The aim of the reorientation was not to contain China's rise. Rather, the United States sought to manage China's growth through a blend of internal and external balancing combined with expanded engagement with China. These means were intended to work symbiotically to expand the combined power of the United States and its allies and partners in Asia, and to dissuade China from bidding for hegemony. The ultimate effect of the reorientation strategy—if successful—would be to preserve the existing power balance in the region, in which the United States has held the superior position.

** USA-Foreign policy-Asia; USA-Economic reorientation-Asia.
Control No : 42932


56. Tromblay, Darren E
The Threat Review and Prioritization trap: how the FBI’s new Threat Review and Prioritization process compounds the Bureau’s oldest problems.
Intelligence and National Security, 31(5), 2016: 762-770.

** USA-Intelligence agency; Federal Bureau of Investigation; FBI.
Control No : 42893


57. Stout, Mark and Lynn, Katalin Kadar
Every Hungarian of any value to intelligence’: Tibor Eckhardt, John Grombach, and the Pond.
Intelligence and National Security, 31(5), 2016: 699-714.

** USA-Intelligence agency-World war II; National Committee for a Free Europe; American intelligence officer.
Control No : 42890


58. Gallagher, Julia
Creating a state: A Kleinian reading of recognition in Zimbabwe’s regional relationships.
European Journal of International Relations, 22(2), 2016(June): 384-407.

This article contributes to recent debates about mutual recognition between states, and, more broadly, to discussions of the role of emotion in International Relations. It challenges ‘moral claims’ made in some of the literature that interstate recognition leads to a progressive erosion of difference or a pooling of identity, and underlying assumptions that recognition constitutes a stage in the development of states that have already established internal coherence. Instead, it claims that processes of recognition are fractious and unstable, characterised by aggression and self-assertion, as well as affection and the creation of a ‘we-feeling’, and that such processes are an enduring feature of state identity. Using the case of Zimbabwe — a state that is clearly fractured, with an apparently insecure collective identity — the article explores how recognition both challenges and reinforces state selfhood through dynamics that are bumpy, intense and unstable. It moves on to develop a theoretical interpretation of these dynamics by drawing on the work of psychoanalyst Melanie Klein, showing links between individual psychic anxiety and collective need for a state that exists uneasily but inextricably in relation to others. The article concludes that international recognition works as a way both to establish and to challenge state coherence.

** Zimbabwe-Statehood; Zimbabwe-Object relations theory.
Control No : 42930

Ankit, Rakesh25
Ascione, Gennaro24
Athukorala, Prema-chandra39
Averre, Derek46
Bahry, Donna34
Bauer, Deborah16
Beacom, Aaron7
Bishnoi, Ashwani19
Bohmelt, Tobias43
Brannagan, Paul Michael10
Brentin, Dario8
Brittain, Ian7
Byman, Daniel42
Cartier, Carolyn4
Chaturvedi, Rohini23
Connolly, Richard47
Dasgupta, Chandrashekhar27
Davies, Lance48
Dichter, Heather L9
Dukalskis, Alexander32
Fedorenko, Kostyantyn54
Gallagher, Julia58
Grix, Jonathan10 - 14
Grunden, Walter E33
Haer Roos43
Haukkala, Hiski49
Hintz, Lisel45
Huang, Reyko11
Jirasinghe, Ramya Chamalie41
Kaw, Mushtaq A1
Kraus, Filip6
Kudaibergenova, Diana T29
Kuika, Cheng-Chwee21
Kulyk, Volodymyr53
Li, Mingjiang20
Liston, Katie12
Luk, Sabrina3
Lukin, Alexander35
Lynn, Katalin Kadar57
Maguire, Joseph12
Millar, Gearoid37
Nasuti, Peter17
Nozina, Miroslav6
Pamment, James13
Phillips, Matthew D30
Postlethwaite, Verity14
Qi, Xiong22
Ramsay, Zara44
Rizvi, M Mahtab Alam28
Rofe, J Simon15
Romanova, Tatiana36 - 50
Rybiy, Olena54
Sahoo, Pravakar19
Shahi, Deepshikha24
Siddi, Marco18
Silove, Nina55
Spencer, Jonathan40
Stout, Mark57
Sultana, Gulbin38
Tregoures, Loic8
Tromblay, Darren E56
Umland, Andreas54
Wagner, Christian26
Wig, Tore2
Wilson, Andrew51
Wolczuk, Kataryna25
Zeng, Jinghan5
Zhao, Suisheng22
Zhou, Ying3
Zofka, Jan31


-Peace building1
-Civil war2
-Foreign policy3
-Political economy4
-Political mobility5
Czech Republic
Vietnamese criminal networks6
Diplomacy7 - 15
-Military intelligence16
-Anti-corruption reforms17
-Foreign policy-Russia18
-Development assistance-Japan19
-Foreign policy-China20
-Foreign relations-China21 - 22
-Forest governance23
-International relations24
-Politics and government25
-South Asia policy26
-War of 197127
-Parliamentary elections28
-Post-Soviet postcolonialism29
-Lethal violence30
Moldovan Dniester Republic
North Korea
-Nuclear Weapons33
-Economic insecurity34
-Normative power Europe36
Sierra Leone
-Foreign direct investmen37
Sri Lanka
-Economic relations-China38
-Ethnic conflict39
-Tamil militants41
Terrorism42 - 43
-Foreign policy45
-Civil conflict46 - 50
-Foreign relations-Russia52
-National identity53
-Party System54
-Foreign policy-Asia55
-Intelligence agency56
-Intelligence agency-World war II57


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