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Library Bulletins

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin, July 2016

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
(July 2016)



1. Cruz, Cesi, Gordoncillo, Prudenciano U and Graham, Benjamin A T
Who's Ready for ASEAN 2015? Firm Expectations and Preparations in the Philippines.
Pacific Affairs, 89(2), 2016(June): 259-285.

New-new trade theory makes predictions regarding the types of firms most likely to benefit from increases in economic openness. This paper exploits the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community in 2015 to test predictions regarding the types of firms that are optimistic about, and prepared for, increased regional integration. We introduce data from an original survey conducted just prior to the launch of the AEC of over 300 mostly multinational firms operating in the Philippines. We find that firms' prior exposure to other economies in the region is a strong and positive predictor of both optimism and preparation. A firms' capabilities (i.e., size, profitability, and growth), on the other hand, predict preparation strongly and optimism only weakly. Of particular relevance to policy makers, we also find that firms' primary policy demand on the Philippines government is for more information and communication, and that even highly capable firms make this demand. Our findings suggest that, despite outreach efforts by the Philippines government, a lack of information continues to impede firms' abilities to seize the new opportunities associated with regional integration.

** ASEAN-Economic community; ASEAN Free Trade Area.
Control No : 42974


2. Cotton, James
The Institute’s seventieth volume: the journal, its origins and its engagement with foreign policy debate.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 471-483.

Australian Outlook, published initially in 1947, was Australia’s first journal devoted exclusively to the analysis of Australia’s foreign relations and of international affairs. It emerged from a context where nationalist and internationalist sentiments were taking on new prominence and in a time of heightened public awareness of global issues. The journal came to provide a unique venue for academic and expert commentary, especially on the international politics of Australia’s region, as well as on a wide range of topics from defence and trade to great-power dynamics. Early contributions demonstrated a generally sound—and sometimes remarkably prescient—grasp of regional and international trends. The journal built on earlier Australian Institute of International Affairs publications—notably, the Austral-Asiatic Bulletin, inaugurated in 1937.

** Australia-Foreign policy; Australia-Foreign policy analysis; International relations discipline.
Control No : 42949

3. Ludlam, Scott
Australian foreign policy: the Greens’ approach.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 467-470.

Election campaigns are mostly argued on the basis of local issues that have direct impacts on our community—so much so that the phrase ‘all politics is local’ is considered self-evident. However, some things are missed in our three-year electoral cycle. The biggest gap in our national conversation is the place of Australia in the world. Foreign policy takes a back seat during an election, and if it presents at all, it is as caricature: foreign wars, the nameless families who flee them, or massive defence procurements to meet undefined threats. The rest of the planet is meant to form a one-dimensional backdrop to our domestic drama. Whether we like it or not, this is all going to change. Australia remains an island in geographical name only. In terms of culture, economics, security and even the weather patterns that threaten our homes or ruin our crops, our lives are bound up with people all over the world who are also trying to build safe and prosperous lives for themselves and their families.

** Australia-Foreign policy; Nuclear weapons; Syrian civil war.
Control No : 42948
4. Plibersek, Tanya
Australian foreign policy: the Labor approach.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 460-466.

Mainstream thinking accepts that the main tenets of Australian foreign policy are the US alliance, engagement with the Indo-Pacific and our global interests. We differ over emphasis and approach, but we are fortunate to have broad agreement on the component parts. This is one reason why foreign policy often plays a marginal role in Australian election campaigns—elections are designed to amplify difference. Foreign policy is most often about continuity and seeking common ground. Election campaigns are built on concentrated points of contrast. Yet even if foreign policy does not shift a single vote in a single seat, Australia’s place in the world deserves to be part of the national conversation.

** Australia-Foreign policy.
Control No: 42947


5. Pijovic, Nikola
The Liberal National Coalition, Australian Labor Party and Africa: two decades of partisanship in Australia’s foreign policy.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 541-562.

The issue of bipartisanship in Australian foreign policy is not often substantially addressed. The country’s relations with the world appear to exhibit strong continuity regardless of the political party in government. And yet, when it comes to engagement with African states and issues, the last two decades have seen highly prominent partisan differences in Australian foreign policy. This article utilises the example of Australia’s foreign policy engagement with Africa to argue that there may be two levels of understanding bipartisanship in Australian foreign policy. On the one hand, aimed at relationships and issues perceived to be of primal and significant security and economic well-being for the country, Australian foreign policy does indeed appear to be bipartisan. However, aimed at relationships and issues that have traditionally been perceived as holding minimal security and economic interest and importance for the country, Australian foreign policy does exhibit partisanship.

** Australia-Foreign policy-Africa; Australia-Bipartisanship-Africa.
Control No: 42952


6. Bishop, Julie
Australian foreign policy: the Coalition approach.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 453-459.

Supported by one of the most professional and dedicated foreign policy bureaucracies in the world, one can rely on any Australian government that wins office to perform its duty to represent our country in a diligent and tireless manner. The difference lies in whether a government entering or returning to office is offering a credible vision of what the country’s most important national interests might be, and a sound and practical understanding of how best to advance such interests on behalf of the Australian population. This article looks at the thinking and achievements behind Australian foreign policy under the Coalition government since it came to office in 2013, and the intention of the Malcolm Turnbull government to build on these foundations to further advance the country’s interests in Asia should it win the July 2 election.

** Australia-Foreign policy-Asia; Australia-Strategic policy; Australia-Economic diplomacy-Asia.
Control No: 42946


7. Wilcox, Emily E
Beyond Internal Orientalism: Dance and Nationality Discourse in the Early People's Republic of China, 1949–1954.
Journal of Asian Studies, 75(2), 2016(May): 363-386.

Representations of dancing minorities have often been viewed in contemporary Chinese studies as examples of a broader discursive practice of “internal Orientalism,” a concept developed by anthropologists in the mid-1990s, based on fieldwork conducted in the 1980s and early 1990s. A historical examination of state-sponsored minority dance in the early PRC (1949–54) suggests that internal Orientalism may not be a generalizable explanatory framework for minority dance and its relationship to PRC nationality discourse. During a time when external military threats to the nascent PRC loomed large, long-standing ethnic stereotypes were perceived as a vulnerability to national security and targeted for reform through new policies of state multiculturalism. Thus, rather than portraying minorities as exotic, erotic, and primitive, early PRC dance constructed minorities as models of cultural sophistication, civility, and respectability. Likewise, rather than envisioning a developmental hierarchy between Han and minority dance, national performing arts institutions established during this period constructed Han and minority dance as parallel modes of ethnic performance categorized together as a new genre, “Chinese folk dance.”

** China-Culture; China-Minority dance; China-Internal orientalism; China-Multiculturalism.
Control No: 42943


8. Lee, Ching Kwan
Precarization or Empowerment? Reflections on Recent Labor Unrest in China.
Journal of Asian Studies, 75(2), 2016(May): 317-333.

Labor scholars have highlighted the predicament of “precarization” besetting the working class everywhere in the twenty-first century. Beneath the “proletariat” now stands the “precariat,” for whom exploitation seems like a privilege compared to constant exclusion from the labor market. Amidst worldwide employment informalization and decimation of workers’ collective capacity, media reports and academic writings on Chinese workers in the past several years have singularly sustained a curious discourse of worker empowerment. Strikes in some foreign-invested factories have inspired claims of rising working-class power. Finding little empirical support for the empowerment thesis, this article spotlights the Chinese peculiarity of the global phenomenon of precarization and the dynamics of recent strikes, suggesting the need for Chinese labor studies to rebalance its prevailing voluntarism and optimism with more attention to institutional and political-economic conditions.

** China-Empowerment; China-Precarization; Chinese worker.
Control No: 42941


9. Fung, Courtney J
What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations?
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 16(3), 2016(September): 409-441.

What explains China's deployment to UN peacekeeping operations? Material factors are necessary but insufficient to explain China's calculus; identity is a key causal variable also. China is the only permanent UN Security Council member to claim dual identities as a great power and a Global South state in regards to peacekeeping and is therefore receptive to social influence from its respective peer groups. I apply competing explanations for deployment against the critical case of China's 2007 commitment to the UN-African Union Hybrid Mission in Darfur, a least-likely case for identity-based explanations. I use extensive interviews of Chinese and UN foreign policy elites, participant observation at the UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, and written sources to reconstruct the case. The article concludes with reflections on rising powers and peacekeeping, and the implications on the scope conditions for identity as a variable in Chinese foreign policy and China's intervention behavior more broadly.

** China-Foreign policy; China-UN peacekeeping operations; UN-African union hybrid mission.
Control No: 42988

10. Nathan, Andrew J
Domestic Factors in the Making of Chinese Foreign Policy.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(August): 179-191.

The hard logic of China’s geostrategic vulnerability drives Chinese foreign policy. Neither nationalism, power struggles nor interest group politics constrain the elite’s foreign policy decisions. The good news for India is that China’s goals are relatively easy to understand. The bad news is that China seeks more influence in South Asia.

** China-Foreign policy; China-Territorial strategy.
Control No: 42980


11. Clarke, Michael
‘One Belt, One Road’ and China’s emerging Afghanistan dilemma.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 563-579.

This article argues that China’s approach to Afghanistan since the end of the Cold War has been shaped by the desire both for security in Xinjiang and for geopolitical advantage in Central Asia. While Beijing’s Xinjiang calculus was ascendant from 1991 to 2001, since 2001 a broader geopolitical calculus has emerged. This latter factor has been encapsulated in President Xi Jinping’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ strategy, which, at its core, is an outgrowth of Beijing’s decades-long agenda to integrate Xinjiang and utilise this region’s unique geopolitical position to facilitate a China-centric Eurasian geo-economic system. While China’s Xinjiang calculus determines that it shares an interest with the USA in combating radical Islamism in Afghanistan (and Central Asia more broadly), the geopolitical calculus of the ‘One Belt, One Road’ strategy points to a fundamental incompatibility between US and Chinese interests.

** China-Foreign policy-Afghanistan; China-Geopolitics-Afghanistan; China-Geo-economic system-Eurasia.
Control No: 42953


12. Connolly, Peter J
Engaging China’s new foreign policy in the South Pacific.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 484-505.

China’s declared foreign policy of ‘non-interference’ is contradicted by its actions in recent times. Beyond activities in the East and South China Seas, the involvement of China in negotiations on the Korean Peninsula, the evacuation of Chinese citizens from various crises, and the deployment of Chinese combat troops to peacekeeping missions in Africa have indicated China’s growing interests in the shape of world affairs, coinciding with a growing economic and military capacity to influence them. Much attention has been given to the potential consequences of great-power competition between the USA and China, but little focus has been given to the impact these trends may have in the outlying regions of Chinese foreign policy. One such place is Melanesia in the South Pacific—a subregion where a small influence from a Chinese perspective can have a significant impact on Pacific Island Countries. This article postulates that, over time, there is potential for the consequences of Chinese interests to lead to accidental friction, and suggests that this risk can be mitigated through increased cooperation.

** China-Foreign policy-South Pacific; China-Military cooperation-South Pacific.
Control No: 42950


13. Zheng, Chen
China Debates the Non-Interference Principle.
The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 9(3), 2016 (Autumn): 349-374.

Although Beijing maintains its diplomatic stance of ‘non-interference’ in the internal affairs of other countries, a debate has appeared in recent years on the sustainability of this principle. The various arguments fall into three general groups: abandoning the principle; strict adherence to the principle; and more flexibility in practice while maintaining the principle. Among them, the third, represented by new concepts like ‘creative involvement’ and ‘constructive involvement’, has attracted growing support in academic circles. After a close reading of certain representative arguments, this article suggests that the controversies among different analysts derive largely from divergent judgments on two interrelated, strategic issues: whether China should continue to keep a low profile in global affairs, and China’s relations as a whole with the Western-led international society. The non-interference debate thus reflects the conflicting orientations that underlie the worldview of contemporary China, and the non-interference dilemma Beijing faces. The impact of the debate on Beijing’s policy is difficult to ascertain, but it is noticeable that in spite of its unquestioning commitment to sovereignty and non-interference, which will not change in the short run, the Chinese government is nevertheless moderately adjusting its policies. A loose pragmatic consensus among scholars both reflects and brings about this change.

** China-Foreign relations; China-Foreign policy; China-Western-led international society.
Control No: 42986


14. Kolmas, Michal
China’s Approach to Regional Cooperation.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(August): 192-210.

China’s rise has inspired a variety of interpretations arguing for either its potentially disruptive or alternatively its benign impact on Asia–Pacific security. This article aims to contribute to this debate. It focuses on the upsurge in Beijing’s multilateral diplomacy since the beginning of the 1990s, which has been reflected in China’s willingness to take part in many regional institutions, such as Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the Six Party Talks (6PT), East Asia Summit (EAS) or Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). But what are China’s motivations for participation in these institutions? Are they instrumental, driven by pragmatic self-interest, or moral, driven by normative values of peace? Or, has China merely accepted the need to play a socially ‘appropriate’ role within the region? The article offers a theoretically informed typology of the different kinds of motivation that can explain China’s multilateral diplomacy in the last three decades. It argues that whereas social motivation played a decisive part in the first phase of China’s multilateralism, instrumental motivation can be seen as defining the more recent phase.

** China-Multilateralism; Shanghai cooperation organization; Asia pacific economic cooperation.
Control No: 42981


15. Yelery, Aravind
The National Development Reform Commission’s Report at the 4th Session of 12th National People’s Congress: A Review.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(August): 228-234.

Each year, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s apex body to administer the financial planning and development, prepares and submits the work report to its mentor - the State Council. This year’s work report hold a peculiar significance as it was the last in the series of 12th Five Year Plan. The report highlighted the major milestones the Chinese economy achieved so far in 2015 and also discussed the future course of economic manoeuvre during the 13th Five Year plan. Although, historically as well as principally, the work reports by NDRC or its predecessor State Planning Commission and State Development Planning Commission were more ceremonial and far from self-diagnostic, there is a makeover underway especially the way the reports have been projected. The recent reports, which are tabled in the wake of economic slow-down, take reflective positions than earlier reports. However, this can be perceived as a thoughtful position by leaders and not an agent of any depressive or progressive tendencies.

** China-National development and reform commission; China-State planning commission.
Control No: 42984


16. Rappai, M V
China’s National People’s Congress 2016.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(August): 224-227.

This year the National People’s Congress (NPC), supreme legislative body of China, held the 4th plenary session of the 12th NPC from 5 to 16 March 2016. Simultaneously, the pre-eminent advisory body, China People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the upper house in its parliament, also met. This year the NPC’s fourth session was engaged in a varied and serious law making process wherein the legislative business included among other matters the approval of the key 13th Five Year plan of China for the next five years from 2016 to 2020. The NPC as an institution plays a key role in the law making process of China and its composition in terms of members provides authenticity to the law making process in China. This commentary is mainly concerned with the NPC session keeping in mind the aforesaid pointers.

** China-Politics and government; China-National people’s congress; China-Communist party.
Control No: 42983


17. Zeng, Ka
China’s Free Trade Agreement Diplomacy.
The Chinese Journal of International Politics, 9(3), 2016(Autumn): 277-305.

This article assesses the relative importance of political and economic factors in shaping China’s free trade agreement (FTA) strategy since the country’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. Event history analysis of the time lapse before China signed an FTA with a given partner country lends substantial support to arguments emphasizing the political motivations behind China’s choice of FTA partner. The Chinese leadership has undoubtedly signed more FTAs with countries that have similar state preferences. However, there is far less overwhelming evidence to suggest that China’s FTAs are motivated by economic considerations. While Beijing has indeed signed more FTAs with countries on which it depends heavily for imports, there is scant evidence to show that China’s FTAs are designed to enhance market access abroad, or to secure essential supplies of raw materials. Finally, the study analyses the importance of multilateral and regional trade liberalization in shaping China’s FTA policy choices, and finds that, as a major trading nation, China may not be significantly influenced by the competitive dynamics of regional trade liberalization when formulating its FTA strategy.

** China-Trade diplomacy; China-Free trade agreement; China-Free trade strategy.
Control No: 42985


18. Tan, Netina
Gender Reforms, Electoral Quotas, and Women's Political Representation in Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore.
Pacific Affairs, 89(2), 2016(June): 309-323.

In the last two decades, more than 118 countries and political parties around the world have introduced gender quotas to guarantee women's political representation. While the study of gender quotas and electoral systems is an exciting field, few studies have focused on East Asia. Why do traditionally male-dominated parties engage in gender reforms? Have gender reforms improved women's political representation and participation? To address these questions, this introductory article offers an overview of the electoral rules, gender quotas, and candidate selection methods adopted in three broadly similar cases with different outcomes in Taiwan, South Korea, and Singapore. Taiwan and South Korea introduced mixed electoral systems and legislated candidate quotas to improve women's legislative representation at the local and national levels. Singapore resisted legislating gender quotas while the ruling party voluntarily introduced a party quota in 2009. These gender equality strategies have brought slow and uneven results. Based on qualitative
and quantitative methods as well as survey and electoral data, this paper offers new evidence showing why the effects of electoral systems and quota strategies are not automatic or mechanical, but dependent on the degree of party system institutionalization, electoral competitiveness, legal enforcement, and social-cultural attitudes toward women.

** East Asia-Electoral system; Taiwan-Electoral system; South Korea-Electoral system; Singapore-Electoral system.
Control No: 42976


19. Lawson, Fred H
Egypt, Ethiopia, and the Nile River: The Continuing Dispute.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(1), 2016(March): 97-121.

Recent studies of Egypt's long-standing dispute with Ethiopia over the distribution of the waters of the Nile River assume that the adoption of the Nile Basin Initiative in 1999 heralded a sharp turn toward regional conciliation and harmony. This assumption is unwarranted, given Cairo's insistence that its “historic rights” to the Nile be preserved and the belligerent response by Egyptian politicians to Ethiopia's inauguration of the Millennium Project in the spring of 2013. A careful survey of recent relations between the two states demonstrates that the dispute retains a high potential for severe conflict.

** Egypt-Nile water dispute-Ethiopia; Nile basin initiative.
Control No: 42957


20. Nordenman, Magnus
Europe and Its Seas in the Twenty-First Century.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(1), 2016(March): 5-21.

While Europe is normally viewed through the prism of the great Eurasian landmass, the continent is absolutely dependent on the global maritime domain for commerce, resources, energy extraction, and security. Today Europe faces a number of maritime challenges, ranging from uncontrolled immigration across the Mediterranean to a newly assertive Russia that expresses its ambitions at sea. Europe has so far not formulated a comprehensive approach to the maritime domain and has responded to challenges in a reactionary fashion. Europe must now, however, devise strategies and approaches that can help safeguard European interests at sea.

** Europe-Immigration; Eurasia-Sea power; Europe-Maritime domain.
Control No: 42954


21. Catsambas, Thanos
The Greek Economic Crisis: Myths, Misperceptions, Truths, and Realities.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(1), 2016(March): 55-70.

This essay summarizes developments since the outbreak of the Greek economic crisis in 2010 from the perspective of various myths that dominated the public discourse from 2010 to 2016. In the author's view, the perpetuation of these myths, which was partly the result of poor communication policies of the Greek governments, impeded a swifter resolution of the crisis. The analysis is based on the author's personal experiences while he served as an alternate executive director of the International Monetary Fund representing Greece from January 2012 to July 2015.

** Greece-Economy; Greece-Economic crisis; Eurozone.
Control No: 42956


22. Lamb, Ismini A
The Gates of Greece: Refugees and Policy Choices.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(2), 2016(June): 67-88.

The scale of the migrant crisis took Europe by surprise in 2015, but 2016 promised to be far worse. Europe dithered on how to respond, confusing the demands of compassion with migrant relocation policy and failing to recognize Greece's inability to resolve the crisis independently. Pioneering academic work on refugees and assimilation limns the essential choices policy makers have: (1) throw open the gates to Europe and hope new Muslims citizens will eventually assimilate, (2) exclude Muslim immigrants and try to subordinate Islamic beliefs to European norms for those already in Europe, or (3) test whether Islamic countries are able and willing to support the current international liberal order, including freedom of conscience on matters of faith. Greece's current weakness means it will have to accommodate whatever choice European leaders make.

** Greece-Muslim immigrants; Greece-Migrant relocation policy; Europe-Islam.
Control No: 42960


23. Mohan, Surinder
Ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity: the beginning of India–Pakistan rivalry.
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 16(3), 2016(September): 371-407.

Most explanations tend to claim that ‘ideology’ played single most important role in initiating the Indo-Pakistani rivalry. This study argues that Kashmir’s territorial saliency and proximity with the challenger state, Pakistan, also played fundamental role to begin this rivalry. By adopting a conceptual framework underpinned by the conception of enduring rivalry, this article shows how the fusion of ideology, territorial saliency, and geographic contiguity formed a stronger core which influenced external strategic factors and collectively formulated a ‘hub-and-spokes’ framework to move the cartwheel of India–Pakistan rivalry. Placed within this framework, once India and Pakistan’s bilateral conflict over Kashmir had taken roots, ever-increasing interaction between ‘hub’ and ‘spokes’ brought in centripetal and centrifugal stress on the embryonic rivalry by unfolding a process of change, that is, the gradual augmentation in hostility and accumulation of grievances, which locked them into a longstanding rivalry.

** India-Bilateral conflict-Pakistan; Indo-Pakistani rivalry; Kashmir-Territorial saliency.
Control No: 42987


24. Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie
West Bengal: the RSAA 2015 tour.
ASIAN AFFAIRS(New Series), 47(2), 2016: 274-288.

This article is an account of the November-December 2015 RSAA tour to Calcutta and West Bengal, including descriptions of various monuments in Calcutta, as well as Chandernagore, the battlefield of Plassey, Murshidabad, Gaur, and Patna/Pataliputra. West Bengal State and its capital Kolkata is a long way off the popular tourist route, which is why it was chosen for one of the Society’s tours in 2015. Twenty people took part, including the local guide D.V. Ranawat and the guest lecturer (the author of this article). The itinerary was planned to avoid too much hectic travelling within India itself, and to give the group time to explore a few places in depth. The theme for the first half of the tour was to explore Kolkata and the Bengal riverbank settlements with their temples, mosques and villages. It was also to consider the various East India Companies which laid claim to sites along the banks of the Hooghly during the 18th century. Of course the English East India Company was ultimately the most successful, with its foundation of Calcutta (now Kolkata), but there were others too, including the French, the Dutch and the Danes. During the second half of the tour we explored Bihar, which is even less well known to foreigners, and finished up in Delhi, on more familiar ground to many of us.

** India-British colonial History; West Bengal-Historical monuments; Bihar-Historical monuments.
Control No: 42938


25. Tsai, Kellee S
Cosmopolitan Capitalism: Local State-Society Relations in China and India.
Journal of Asian Studies, 75(2), 2016(May): 335-361.

This article examines different patterns of “cosmopolitan capitalism” in three paired localities in China and India: (1) Zhejiang/Gujarat, (2) Zhongguancun/ Bangalore, and (3) Guangdong/Kerala. The paired cases illustrate the attentiveness of the local state to transnational society and present varied expressions of the local developmental impact of remittances and return migration. Analytically, this article departs from conventional usages of both state and society by focusing on the local state in combination with a less territorial conception of society. The rationale for this dual definitional stretch—both downwards (local state) and outwards (transnational society)—has an empirical basis. First, the local government represents the day-to-day point of contact with “the state” for most people. Second, limiting the scope of “society” to populations currently residing within national borders unnecessarily excludes temporary migrants and diasporic communities who continue to identify with a locality. Theoretically, this article extends Albert Hirschman's classic categorical troika of “exit, voice, and loyalty” to the literature on new transnationalism.

** India-Cosmopolitan capitalism; India-Local state-society relations; China-Cosmopolitan capitalism; China-Local state-society relations.
Control No: 42942


26. Joshi, Shashank
A survey of India’s strategic environment.
ASIAN AFFAIRS(New Series), 47(2), 2016: 234-259.

This paper examines India’s strategic environment in the round. ‘Strategic’ refers here to politico-military aspects of international relations, particularly those with implications for the use or potential use of force in the future. Thus economic factors are considered secondarily, and only insofar as they have diplomatic and military ramifications – as in the case of Chinese infrastructure projects in South Asia, or Indian port-development in Iran. This approach also sets aside what we might call ‘structural’ factors, such as large-scale multilateral trade deals, such as the US-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and sociological-demographic trends, such as relative population growth rates, also such issues necessarily influence the real and perceived balance of power over the long-run. The paper begins by considering India’s most salient adversary, Pakistan, before looking at the connected issue of Afghanistan and Central Asia. It then turns east to examine another rival, China, followed by the United States, the smaller states of South Asia, and finally the Middle East.

** India-Foreign relations-South Asia; India-Strategic relations-South Asia; India-Trans Pacific Partnership-USA.
Control No: 42936


27. Wilson, Chris
Ongoing Rebel Violence in Autonomous Regions: Assam, Northeast India.
Pacific Affairs, 89(2), 2016(June): 287-307.

In the large body of literature on the granting of regional autonomy to end insurgency, an important related question has received little attention: what happens to other ethnic groups within the autonomous region? The new arrangement may end violence between the state and the guerrillas but will the latter simply turn their guns on other groups in the area? This article begins to fill this gap in the literature through a close examination of two mass killings conducted by rebels awarded an autonomous region in western Assam, Northeast India. Why would these militants—having won such far-reaching political and economic rewards after a decade of civil war—continue violence and risk these hard-won gains? I propose that violence against other ethnic communities in the new region is more likely in the presence of two main conditions. First, when the community receiving autonomy is a minority in the new region, and second, when only one militant faction is awarded power.

** India-Regional autonomy; Assam-Insurgency; Assam-Post-conflict violence.
Control No: 42975

-MASSACRES, 1965-66

28. Roosa, John
The State of Knowledge about an Open Secret: Indonesia's Mass Disappearances of 1965–66.
Journal of Asian Studies, 75(2), 2016(May).

In a scene in the genre-bending documentary film The Act of Killing (2012), a journalist, Soaduon Siregar, claims to have a sudden insight while standing in a film studio. Having just watched two executioners reenact their deeds of 1965–66 before a camera, he realizes why he had never known that they had garroted hundreds of detainees when he was working with them in the same building. His old friends had been so “smooth” (he used the English word) that he had not noticed them running a human abattoir upstairs. One of the executioners standing in the studio with crude makeup plastered on his face, Adi Zulkardy, is incredulous and insists Siregar must have known since even the neighbors heard the screams of the victims: “It was an open secret (rahasia umum).” When the director of the film, Joshua Oppenheimer, interjects, noting that Siregar's longtime boss at the local newspaper had already admitted to being an interrogator who decided which detainees were to die, Siregar becomes only more adamant in denying any knowledge of the killing.

** Indonesia-Massacres, 1965-66; Indonesia-Anti-communist violence; Indonesia-Political genocide.
Control No: 42939


29. Fozi, Navid
Neo-Iranian Nationalism: Pre-Islamic Grandeur and Shi'i Eschatology in President Mahmud Ahmadinejad's Rhetoric.
Middle East Journal, 70(2), 2016(Spring): 227-248.

In 2009, Iranian president Mahmud Ahmadinejad began to invoke nationalist sentiments by paying homage to Iran's pre-Islamic history; a significant shift from 30 years of disparaging this period. Tracing the religious and political genealogies of Ahmadinejad's discourse, this article analyzes the climate that rendered both the Islamic Republic's Shi'i-oriented nationalism and the secular alternative proposed by the Pahlavi dynasty politically inadequate. Such a climate provided conditions to amalgamate, albeit incompletely, a “neo-Iranian” nationalist discourse based on restoring ancient Persia's grandeur and bolstered by Shi'i eschatology.

** Iran-Nationalism; Iran-Pre-Islamic history.
Control No: 42964


30. Ayyadi, Islam and Kamal, Mohammed
China-Israel arms trade and co-operation: history and policy implications.
ASIAN AFFAIRS(New Series), 47(2), 2016: 260-273.

Israel and China have quietly developed a significant arms trade since the 1970s. This article examines the history of the development of the Israel-China arms trade, its ramifications for wider international relations including those between the US and Israel, the US and China, and also foreign policy implications for China and the Middle-East.

** Israel-Defence relations-China; Israel-Arms trade-China; Israel-Military cooperation-China.
Control No: 42937


31. Borovoy, Amy
Robert Bellah's Search for Community and Ethical Modernity in Japan Studies.
Journal of Asian Studies, 75(2), 2016(May): 467-494.

This article explores Robert Bellah's engagement with Japan in formulating his communitarian critique of American individualism. Bellah's early contribution to post–World War II modernization studies, Tokugawa Religion: The Cultural Roots of Modern Japan, embraced the Weberian framework of social development, but it also described a system that departed from Weber's narrative of liberalization and rationalization in important ways. Bellah argued that in early modern Japan, the profit motive was contained by social obligations and ethical rules. Through his explorations of Japan, Bellah articulated a critique of liberal individualism, drawing on Japanese cultural nationalism in his search for a modern, capitalist system that could be contained by overarching cultural and moral values. One finds a surprising resonance between Bellah's ideal of American “civil religion” and the ideas of interwar philosopher Watsuji Tetsurō and Watsuji's own critique of liberalism and popular democracy as lacking cultural foundations. Bellah's engagement with Watsuji reveals the tensions within Bellah's thought and in his subsequent call for community in America as a means of overcoming the excesses of American individualism. This article considers both the contributions and the limits of Bellah's attempt to invoke Japan as an alternative modernity in Japan studies.

** Japan-Ethical modernity; Japan-Culture; Japan-Cultural nationalism.
Control No: 42945


The Japan choice: reconsidering the risks and opportunities of the ‘Special Relationship’ for Australia.
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific, 16(3), 2016(September): 477-520.

Canberra and Tokyo have forged an ever-closening security alignment, which they now designate as a ‘special strategic partnership’. This development has generated disquietude among some strategic analysts in Australia who have highlighted the risks entailed in pursuing deeper defense cooperation with Japan, especially if it is codified through a formal ‘alliance’ treaty. Anchored in a contending Realist logic, this article reexamines the assumptions upon which the critical assessment bases its conclusions and seeks to offer a counterpoint to such negative interpretations of the bilateral relationship. It then goes on to provide a more positive assessment of the strategic partnership, illustrating the many benefits and opportunities that deeper cooperation with Japan affords for Australia. In the process it draws attention to an alternate set of costs that could be incurred by resiling from Japan in order to ‘accommodate’ Chinese concerns. It concludes that the nature and purpose of the Australia–Japan strategic partnership requires a more nuanced understanding in order for its various costs and benefits to be subjected to a more balanced appraisal.

** Japan-Foreign relations-Australia; Japan-Special strategic partnership-Australia.
Control No: 42989


33. Wise, Carol
Playing Both Sides of the Pacific: Latin America's Free Trade Agreements with China. Pacific Affairs, 89(1), 2016(March): 75-100.

One of the most prominent trends in Latin America in the 2000s has been the proliferation of bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) across the Pacific basin. Beginning with the path-breaking Chile-Korea FTA in 2004 up to the Costa Rica-Singapore FTA in 2013, the past decade has seen the negotiation of twenty-two cross-Pacific accords. China, too, has jumped on to the cross-Pacific FTA bandwagon, including its negotiation of separate bilateral FTAs with Chile (2006), Peru (2009), and Costa Rica (2011). This paper analyzes the origins, content, and preliminary outcomes of these three China-Latin America FTAs. The findings are threefold: 1) in contrast with other cross-Pacific FTAs, which include at least one developed country, the three FTAs analyzed in this paper constitute “south-south” FTAs; yet, in contrast with other south-south FTAs, these three China-Latin America accords approximate WTO+ standards vis-à-vis the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its new trade agenda (services, investment, and intellectual property rights); 2) although the motives for negotiating these developing- developing country accords varied, on the part of China and the countries themselves, this did not disrupt the march toward WTO+ status; and 3) while all three of these FTAs elude standard theoretical explanations for the negotiation of bilateral FTAs, the three Latin American countries do share similar reform trajectories and institutional affinities, which sheds light on the decision and capacity of each to negotiate a bilateral FTA with China.

** Latin America-Free trade-China; Chile-Free trade-China.
Control No: 42973


34. Esber, Fadi
The United States and the 1981 Lebanese Missile Crisis.
Middle East Journal, 70(3), 2016(Summer): 439-456.

This article looks at the Lebanese Missile Crisis of 1981, drawing upon a broad range of primary and secondary sources including documents from the Reagan White House and the State Department. It argues that the United States intervened in the crisis because an all-out conflict between Syria and Israel bore unacceptable consequences since it could have damaged the Camp David peace process and the Reagan Administration's security strategy for the Persian Gulf.

** Lebanon-Missile crisis; USA-Nuclear strategy-Lebanon.
Control No: 42969


35. Kawtharani, Farah
Integrating Shi'a in the Modern Nation-State: Shaykh Muhammad Mahdi Shams al-Din, Hizbullah, and Engagement in Lebanese Politics.
Middle East Journal, 70(3), 2016(Summer): 419-438.

This article addresses one aspect of the political thought of Shaykh Muhammad Mahdi Shams al-Din, head of the Islamic Shi'i Supreme Council in Lebanon between 1978 and 2001. It examines his call for Shi'a to politically integrate into their respective nation-states. This was a political position Shams al-Din contextualized in his examination of Shi'i doctrine's historical approach to unjust rulers, which led him to infer the permissibility of cooperation with modern governments. Shams al-Din's conviction of the necessity of national integration stemmed from his concern about the development of sectarian militancy among Lebanese Shi'a, especially his perception of Hizbullah's pursuit of an independent political agenda. In his opinion, Hizbullah's approach alienated Arab Shi'a from their societies and posited a threat to their ability to live in multiconfessional or Sunni-dominated societies.

** Lebanon-Politics; Lebanon-Sunni-dominated societies; Lebanon-Shi'a citizens.
Control No: 42968


36. Daher, Joseph
Reassessing Hizbullah's Socioeconomic Policies in Lebanon.
Middle East Journal, 70(3), 2016(Summer): 399-418.

This article looks at Hizbullah's politico-economic and socioeconomic policies in Lebanon. It first analyzes Hizbullah's economic thought and its origins. It then studies the party's policies in the various governments in which it has participated and how they have responded to changes in its social base as the Islamic movement has grown among larger sections of the Shi'i middle class and bourgeoisie. Analyzing Hizbullah's positions and policies helps us understand its evolution and integration within the Lebanese political system.

** Lebanon-Socioeconomic policies; Lebanon-Political economy; Lebanon-Neoliberal policies.
Control No: 42967


37. Engelke, Peter
The Mediterranean's Future in an Age of Uncertainty.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(1), 2016(March): 5-21.

As tempting as it is to forecast the Mediterranean's future through the bleak lens of its present, it is unwise to do so. Over and again throughout history, writing the future through the linear extrapolation of contemporary trends has proven foolish. This essay identifies the most critical socioeconomic, political, ecological, and geopolitical drivers of change that together will shape the Mediterranean's future. It analyzes the possible impacts of three major trends (demographic imbalance, ongoing empowerment, and rising natural resource stresses) and three critical uncertainties (the future of collective identity, the role of distant global powers, and economic turbulence).

** Mediterranean-Demography; Mediterranean-Natural resource stresses; Mediterranean-Economic turbulence.
Control No: 42955


38. Ploumis, Michail and Pilalis, Labros E
A New Deal for the Middle East and North Africa.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(2), 2016(June): 89-100.

Five years after the Arab uprisings in 2011, countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) had difficulties finding their pathway to sustainable economic and political change. Arab oil-producing countries suffered from decreasing oil prices while the Arab non-oil-producing states struggled to provide better living conditions to their populations. Meanwhile, the war in Syria continued, the Islamic State (ISIS) was extending its efforts to establish a caliphate, and a massive influx of refugees was reaching Central Europe seeking asylum. In this context, it is imperative for Arab countries to establish substantial economic reforms in parallel with political change to enable their populations to remain in their homelands. The international community should support the MENA countries by introducing a “New Deal” to help lead to sustainable development and political change.

** Middle East-Economic reforms-North Africa; Middle East-Political change-North Africa; ISIS; Arab countries-Economic reforms.
Control No: 42961


39. Kipgen, Nehginpao
Decoding Myanmar’s 2015 election.
ASIAN AFFAIRS(New Series), 47(2), 2016: 215-233.

The election helps the democratization process move forward. However, the nature of power transition suggests that some authoritarian elements are likely to remain entrenched. The article (which gives a full account of the election including the election process, the parties involved, the results and the negotiations following the elections including those involving Aung Sang Suu Kyi) argues that holding of a free and fair election is important for democratization but does not guarantee a successful transition to consolidated democracy.

** Myanmar-Democracy; Myanmar-Election 2015; Myanmar-Democratization process.
Control No: 42935


40. Korolev, Alexander
Russia's Reorientation to Asia: Causes and Strategic Implications.
Pacific Affairs, 89(1), 2016(March): 53-73.

This research applies a neoclassical realist framework to explore the causes and consequences of Russia's recent “reorientation to Asia.” Based on an analysis of publications and fieldwork conducted in Russia, the paper examines both the international systemic and the Russian domestic factors that have contributed to this important change in Russia's foreign policy. At the system level, Russia's turn to Asia can be understood as a part of its longer campaign of balancing against American unipolar domination. At the unit level, economic demands to develop Russia's eastern territories, together with the complex socio-political processes of post-Soviet identity formation, generated a political environment that was conducive to Asia-oriented policies. Russia's reorientation to Asia implies not only comprehensive strategic cooperation with specific Asian powers, such as China, South Korea, or Japan, but also a “reinvention” of Russia as a Eurasian power. Given Russia's cross-continental spread and economic and military capabilities, its reorientation to Asia may have significant implications for the balance of power in the current world system.

** Russia-Foreign policy; Russia-Foreign relations-China; Russia-Foreign relations-Asia.
Control No: 42972


41. Tan, Netina
Why Are Gender Reforms Adopted in Singapore? Party Pragmatism and Electoral Incentives.
Pacific Affairs, 89(2), 2016(June): 369-393.

In Singapore, the percentage of elected female politicians rose from 3.8 percent in 1984 to 22.5 percent after the 2015 general election. After years of exclusion, why were gender reforms adopted and how did they lead to more women in political office? Unlike South Korea and Taiwan, this paper shows that in Singapore party pragmatism rather than international diffusion of gender equality norms, feminist lobbying, or rival party pressures drove gender reforms. It is argued that the ruling People's Action Party's (PAP) strategic and electoral calculations to maintain hegemonic rule drove its policy u-turn to nominate an average of about 17.6 percent female candidates in the last three elections. Similar to the PAP's bid to capture women voters in the 1959 elections, it had to alter its patriarchal, conservative image to appeal to the younger, progressive electorate in the 2000s. Additionally, Singapore's electoral system that includes multi-member constituencies based on plurality party bloc vote rule also makes it easier to include women and diversify the party slate. But despite the strategic and electoral incentives, a gender gap remains. Drawing from a range of public opinion data, this paper explains why traditional gender stereotypes, biased social norms, and unequal family responsibilities may hold women back from full political participation.

** Singapore-Electoral system; Singapore-Gender reforms.
Control No: 42979


42. Wood, Terence
Is Culture the Cause? Choices, Expectations, and Electoral Politics in Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea.
Pacific Affairs, 89(1), 2016(March): 31-52.

Research on Solomon Islands and Papua New Guinea typically offers one of two explanations for the choices voters make, and the way these choices contribute to those countries' poor political governance. The first explanation focuses on culture's influence on the expectations that voters hold of politicians, contending that the Big Man style of local leadership traditionally found in both countries has shaped voter expectations in ways that cause voters to demand local or personal benefits from MPs rather than good national governance. The second explanation hinges on rational choice models of voter behaviour and does not include culture in its list of explanatory variables. In this paper I argue that neither explanation fits well with key features of these countries' politics. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative data I show that, while voters are broadly rational and can readily distinguish modern politics from traditional leadership, culture still matters. In particular, informal institutions, associated with the countries' cultural contexts, influence voter behaviour and electoral collective action, and through this political governance.

** Solomon Islands-Political culture; Papua New Guinea-Political culture; Solomon Islands-Electoral politics; Papua New Guinea-Electoral politics.
Control No: 42971


43. Lawson, Stephanie
West Papua, Indonesia and the Melanesian Spearhead Group: competing logics in regional and international politics.
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 70(5), 2016: 506-524.

The idea of a shared Melanesian identity has been consolidated over the last three decades or so through the most important subregional organisation in the South-West Pacific—the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG). The solidarity of this group has been strained over various issues from time to time, but none is as fraught as the Indonesian occupation of what is commonly known as West Papua, whose indigenous Papuan people are ethnically Melanesian. In addition to recounting the Indonesian takeover of West Papua in the context of the dynamics of decolonisation, the Cold War and early regional development, the article examines the emergence of Melanesian identity and the MSG, before considering more recent developments. These focus on a recent bid by West Papuans for MSG membership, key aspects of Indonesia's role in the Melanesian sub-region, and the extent to which these developments highlight competing logics in regional and international politics.

** South-West Pacific-Melanesian spearhead group; Melanesian spearhead group; West Papua-Melanesian identity.
Control No: 42951


44. Koo, Sunhee
Reconciling Nations and Citizenship: Meaning, Creativity, and the Performance of a North Korean Troupe in South Korea.
Journal of Asian Studies, 75(2), 2016(May): 387 - 409.

Since 2000, a number of performing troupes have been established in South Korea, made up largely of musicians and dancers who were professionally trained in North Korea prior to their migration and presenting a range of music and dances related to both the North and South. Combining ethnographic data with performance analysis of one such troupe, the Pyŏngyang Minsok Yesultan, I show how the nation and the state intersect in the space of performing arts as the troupe's creative culture reflects the settlement experiences of North Koreans in the South. While the troupe's organization, membership, and performance culture delineate migrant adaptation and understanding of their new citizenship, the performance of these Koreans is a complex terrain in which the two Koreas converge and are contested as the performers enact a constant negotiation between “being” and “negating” North Korean-ness, expressing their cultural hybridity as emergent citizens of the South.

** South Korea-North Korean troupes; North Koreans in the South Korea.
Control No: 42944


45. Lee, Hyunji and Shin, Ki-Young
Gender Quotas and Candidate SelectionProcesses in South Korean Political Parties.
Pacific Affairs, 89(2), 2016(June): 345-368.

South Korea is one of the few East Asian countries in which candidate gender quotas are legislated for all levels of government. However, the implementation of quotas has been only partially successful as political parties do not comply with quota laws in the majoritarian tier of the country's mixed-member electoral system. To explain this non-compliance, this article examines how Korea's party organizations and candidate selection practices have subverted quota implementation. More specifically, we employ Rahat and Hazan's framework that disaggregates candidate selection processes into four areas—the selectorate, candidacy, centralization, and voting vs. appointment—and examine how two major Korean parties have chosen their candidates in the last three elections. By doing so, we demonstrate that in Korea's under-institutionalized parties, where party organizations have been overshadowed by individual personalities, implementation of quotas can easily be subordinated to the clientelistic incentives of party leaders. While the parties' centralized and exclusionary candidate selection procedures give party leaders a great deal of latitude to implement quotas, a better gender balance in the set of candidates is rarely a top priority for leaders in parties where personalism prevails. We argue that this explains why the quotas in Korea have been ineffective.

** South Korea-Political parties; South Korea-Women political representation.
Control No: 42978


46. Conduit, Dara
The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood and the Spectacle of Hama.
Middle East Journal, 70(2), 2016(Spring): 211-226.

The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood has been a key diplomatic player in the current Syrian uprising; a role that stands in stark contrast to its reputation among Western authors. This article argues that this chasm between the Brotherhood's practice and reputation is a legacy of the 1982 Hama massacre. The slaughter has become a “spectacle,” as per the theory of Guy Debord, leading Hama to take on an exaggerated significance in portrayals of the Brotherhood.

** Syria-Muslim brotherhood; Syria-Hama massacre.
Control No: 42963


47. Draege, Jonas Bergan
The Formation of Syrian Opposition Coalitions as Two-Level Games.
Middle East Journal, 70(2), 2016(Spring): 189-210.

This article investigates coalition patterns between two main factions of the Syrian opposition before and after the 2011 uprising. The two factions united over common platforms on several occasions following the 2000 Damascus Spring, but failed to do so in 2011 despite repeated domestic and international pressure. Drawing upon two-level game theory to explain this change, this article argues that increased interest from both domestic and international audiences after 2011 made the two factions less flexible in negotiating a unified platform. Thus, paradoxically, it was increased pressure for unification that deterred the opposition factions from unifying.

** Syria-Politics and government; Syria-Opposition Coalitions; Syrian civil war.
Control No: 42962


48. Subba, Bhim B
Taiwan’s 2016 Elections: Inclusive Politics and Status Quo Continuum.
China Report, 52(2), 2016(August): 211-223.

This article examines the recent Presidential and Legislative Yuan (LY, 立法院) elections in Taiwan. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) swept elections at both levels. Its candidate was elected as the island’s first female president. On the other hand, the ruling Kuomintang (KMT) lost its majority in the legislature for the first time since competitive electoral democracy began in Taiwan. These elections saw a change in the agenda of the major parties, especially that of the DPP, on various domestic and external issues. At the same time, the growth of student and civil society movements and their participation in the political arena since the 2014 Sunflower movement have carved out a niche in Taiwanese politics today. This article offers some preliminary comments on the significance and impact of the elections on Taiwan’s changing domestic and political landscape, with the emergence of new political forces and socio-economic challenges, along with nebulous Cross–Strait relations and ‘shrinking’ international space and diplomacy. How TsaiIng-wen’s administration after 20 May will deal with these intricate issues will be a test for her presidency.

** Taiwan-Elections; Taiwan-Democratic progressive party; Taiwan-Economy.
Control No: 42982


49. Huang, Chang-Ling
Reserved for Whom? The Electoral Impact of Gender Quotas in Taiwan.
Pacific Affairs, 89(2), 2016(June): 325-343.

One of the issues raised about gender quotas concerns the qualifications of quota women. A previous study that looked at France's parity law showed quota women are as competent as or even more competent than non-quota women or non-quota men. The French experience, under the proportional representation system, only allows for a comparison of average qualifications between quota women and their non-quota counterparts. Taiwan has had reserved seats for women since the 1950s and had a series of increases in the number of these reserved seats in the 1990s. Taiwan's experience under the SNTV (single non-transferrable vote) electoral system sheds better light on the issue concerning the qualifications of quota women. Based on the outcomes of Taiwan's three local elections in the 2000s, this paper provides a direct comparison of qualifications between women who are elected through reserved seats and the men they unseated. The results show that the majority of women elected through the reserved seats have equal or better qualifications than the men they unseated. Moreover, increasing reserved seats or gender quotas enhances not only women's political participation but also political competition.

** Taiwan-Electoral system; Taiwan-Women political participation.
Control No: 42977


50. Sopranzetti, Claudio
Thailand's Relapse: The Implications of the May 2014 Coup.
Journal of Asian Studies, 75(2), 2016(May): 299-316.

On May 20, 2014, the Royal Army imposed martial law on Thailand, with the declared purpose of restoring peace to the people. Allegedly, the military intervened to put an end to seven months of political turmoil that had begun when the PDRC—the English acronym for the Thai People's Committee for Absolute Democracy with the King as Head of State—occupied key street intersections and government offices in Bangkok. The conservative mobilization had demanded the deposition of elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and the complete dismissal of “the Thaksin system”—a network that had dominated electoral politics in the previous thirteen years, in the PDRC's view through corruption and vote-buying. To fight this injustice, the PDRC had called for deep constitutional reforms before the next elections could be held.

** Thailand-Martial law; Thaksin system; Thailand-Military rule.
Control No: 42940


51. Sirivunnabood, Punchada and Ricks, Jacob Isaac
Professionals and Soldiers: Measuring Professionalism in the Thai Military.
Pacific Affairs, 89(1), 2016(March): 7-30.

Thailand's military has recently reclaimed its role as the central pillar of Thai politics. This raises an enduring question in civil-military relations: why do people with guns choose to obey those without guns? One of the most prominent theories in both academic and policy circles is Samuel Huntington's argument that professional militaries do not become involved in politics. We engage this premise in the Thai context. Utilizing data from a new and unique survey of 569 Thai military officers as well as results from focus groups and interviews with military officers, we evaluate the attitudes of Thai servicemen and develop a test of Huntington's hypothesis. We demonstrate that increasing levels of professionalism are generally poor predictors as to whether or not a Thai military officer prefers an apolitical military. Indeed, our research suggests that higher levels of professionalism as described by Huntington may run counter to civilian control of the military. These findings provide a number of contributions. First, the survey allows us to operationalize and measure professionalism at the individual level. Second, using these measures we are able to empirically test Huntington's hypothesis that more professional soldiers should prefer to remain apolitical. Finally, we provide an uncommon glimpse at the opinions of Thai military officers regarding military interventions, adding to the relatively sparse body of literature on factors internal to the Thai military which push officers toward politics.

** Thailand-Military; Thailand-Civil-military relations; Thailand-Military professionalism.
Control No: 42970


52. Ly Netterstrom, Kasper
The Tunisian General Labor Union and the Advent of Democracy.
Middle East Journal, 70(3), 2016(Summer): 383-398.

The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT) played a major role in the 2010/11 Tunisian revolution and in the subsequent democratization process. This article seeks to explain why the union was capable of taking on this role in light of the fact that, before the revolution, it cooperated with and was heavily infiltrated by the regime of President Zine El-'Abidine Ben 'Ali. By describing the UGTT's internal struggles during the dictatorship, the article claims that the UGTT demonstrated elements of both resistance and compliance. This duality made it possible for the organization to survive authoritarianism and also be a credible player in the transition to democracy. The article shows, in contrast to the dominant theories within democratization studies, that a regime-affiliated civil society organization can play an important role in the democratization process.

** Tunisia-Democracy; Tunisia-Labor union; Tunisia-Democratization.
Control No: 42966


53. Volpi, Frederic, Merone, Fabio and Loschi, Chiara
Local (R)evolutions in Tunisia, 2011–2014: Reconstructing Municipal Political Authority.
Middle East Journal, 70(3), 2016(Summer): 365-381.

In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction of political authority in the wake of regime change. Continuities of governance between the old and new regimes, the local emergence of new social and political actors, and the competition between new and old local actors, as well as between them and the central state, have challenged the authority of national institutions and elected officials. As national actors attempted to rein in local experiments with "direct democracy," local politics generated resistance toward the Islamist-led Ennahda coalition.

** Tunisia-Local politics; Tunisia-Municipal politics.
Control No: 42965


54. Ertosun, Erkan
Change and Leadership in Foreign Policy: The Case of Turgut Ozal's Premiership in Turkey, 1983–1989.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(2), 2016(June): 47-66.

This essay seeks to explain the source and magnitude of change in Turkish foreign policy during Turgut Ozal's premiership. In doing so, it employs theoretical studies on foreign policy change and the role of the leader in such processes. The essay argues that Prime Minister Ozal assumed the role of the authoritative leader in Turkey's foreign policy decision making, which was the main source of change in that period's foreign policy. Further, it demonstrates that during the period from 1983 until 1989 there were changes in the level of effort as well as shifts in the methods and aims of Turkish foreign policy. Nevertheless, this period did not witness any comprehensive or fundamental changes at the level of international orientation.

** Turkey-Foreign policy; Turkish bureaucracy.
Control No: 42959


55. Sahin, Hakan
Reading the Memoirs: Some Notes on Turkish Soldiers' Political Thoughts.
Mediterranean Quarterly, 27(2), 2016(June): 28-46.

The military's attitude toward the political realm is problematic in Turkey. While, on the one hand, it accepts the notion of civilian control, on the other hand, it has sometimes exercised tutelary functions or overtly intervened in politics. This essay argues that political thoughts of soldiers have an explanatory power in understanding this dilemma. It examines a set of more than 150 life narratives written by soldiers. Memoirs, autobiographies, and journals are relatively convenient means through which to explain one's personal thoughts. An elaboration on those texts suggests that soldiers have an ambivalent perception of the political realm, and this serves as a basis for the legitimization of their political actions. The implicit idea that they are the ultimate guardians of the country is embedded in the fact that they are respectful of democracy and are in favor of civilian control in their discourses.

** Turkey-military; Turkey-Democratic control; Turkey-Military intervention.
Control No: 42958


Ayyadi, Islam30
Bishop, Julie6
Borovoy, Amy31
Catsambas, Thanos21
Clarke, Michael11
Conduit, Dara46
Connolly, Peter J12
Cotton, James2
Cruz, Cesi1
Daher, Joseph36
Draege, Jonas Bergan47
Engelke, Peter37
Ertosun, Erkan54
Esber, Fadi34
Fozi, Navid29
Fung, Courtney J9
Gordoncillo, Prudenciano U1
Graham, Benjamin A T1
Huang, Chang-Ling49
Joshi, Shashank26
Kamal, Mohammed30
Kawtharani, Farah35
Kipgen, Nehginpao39
Kolmas, Michal14
Koo, Sunhee44
Korolev, Alexander40
Lamb, Ismini A22
Lawson, Fred H19
Lawson, Stephanie43
Lee, Ching Kwan8
Lee, Hyunji45
Llewellyn-Jones, Rosie24
Loschi, Chiara53
Ludlam, Scott3
Ly Netterstrøm, Kasper52
Merone, Fabio53
Mohan, Surinder23
Nathan, Andrew J10
Nordenman, Magnus20
Pijovic, Nikola5
Pilalis, Labros E38
Plibersek, Tanya4
Ploumis, Michail38
Rappai, M V16
Ricks, Jacob Isaac51
Roosa, John28
Sahin, Hakan55
Shin, Ki-Young45
Sirivunnabood, Punchada51
Sopranzetti, Claudio50
Subba, Bhim B48
Tan, Netina 18,41
Tsai, Kellee S25
Volpi, Frédéric53
Wilcox, Emily E7
Wilson, Chris27
Wise, Carol33
Wood, Terence42
Yelery, Aravind15
Zeng, Ka17


-Economic community1
-Foreign policy2-4
-Foreign policy-Africa5
      -Foreign policy-Asia6
-Foreign policy9-10
-Foreign policy-Afghanistan11
-Foreign policy-South Pacific12
-Foreign relations13
-National development and reform commission15
-Politics and government16
-Trade diplomacy17
East Asia 
-Electoral system18
-Nile water dispute-Ethiopia19
-Muslim immigrants22
-Bilateral conflict-Pakistan23
-British colonial History24
-Cosmopolitan capitalism25
-Foreign relations-South Asia26
-Regional autonomy27
-Massacres, 1965-6628
-Defence relations-China30
-Ethical modernity31
-Foreign relations-Australia32
Latin America 
-Free trade-China33
-Missile crisis34
-Socioeconomic policies36
Middle East 
-Economic reforms-North Africa38
-Foreign policy40
-Electoral system41
Solomon Islands 
-Political culture42
-West Pacific-Melanesian spearhead group43
South Korea 
-North Korean troupes44
-Political parties45
-Muslim brotherhood46
-Politics and government47
-Electoral system49
-Martial law50
-Local politics53
-Foreign policy54
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