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Library Bulletins

Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin, August - September 2016



1. Aellah, Gemma and Geissler, P Wenzel        
Seeking exposure: conversions of scientific knowledge in an African city.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(3), 2016(September):   389-417.
Transnational medical research has become a common feature in many parts of Africa. This paper  explores the contribution such activity makes to the social and economic lives of those involved,  including both trial subjects and local staff. By considering the value of the ‘exposure’ that   involvement brings to staff and research participants, we reflect on the conversion of scientific  knowledge into practical knowledge and its value to sustaining precarious livelihoods in an  economically fragile city. We consider the interplay between science and sociality and argue for a  need to take seriously the circulation of scientific knowledge beyond the confines of expert spaces.
 **Africa-Research and development ; Africa-Medical research.
2. Elharathi, Milad        
Leaderless Arab revolts: The deep state vis-à-vis the conspiracy theory.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 90-107.
Examining scholarly literature on the recent and ongoing changes in the Arab world, this article makes a comparative analysis of the conceptual definitions of social, political and non-political revolutions to draw certain themes and explains regional events in the light of various ideological and sociological theories. It concludes that most Arab states are trapped in the conundrum of authoritarian rule or chaos and remain hostages of the secular military or Islamist “deep state” oligarchies.
**Arab World-Democratic transition ; Arab World-Political revolutions ; Arab World-Social revolutions.

3. Mohiuddin, Asif        
The Arab uprisings: regional and global repercussions.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 72-88.
This article points out that the watershed events that initiated the period of contentious   politics in the Arab world after 2010 not only reshaped regional and global politics but also  challenged state power and long held theories dominant in the region, particularly about the  popular acquiescence to regime control. They opened new areas of inquiry as well. By their impact on regional and international politics, these events have drawn the attention of scholars across the world. Some argue that these changes occurred as a result of the globalisation of democratic norms, new media technologies and regional structural changes, which led to widespread demonstrations, both violent and nonviolent. In calling for the downfall of the entrenched  regimes, they signalled a breakdown of the social contract that had existed between the people and   their rulers since independence.
**Arab World-Democratic transition ; Arab World-Political transformations ; USA-Foreign   policy-Middle East ; Russia-Foreign policy-Middle East.

4. Ghoble, Vrushal T        
The Arab uprisings and energy security: Implications for Gulf oil.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 124-141.
Popular protests in West Asia having rejected traditional political settings, aimed at carving out more just and inclusive dispensations. However, as the long term outcomes of these movements are  still unknown, the sustenance of democratic ideals and the growth and prevalence of peace in the   region are brought into question. There is also concern about energy supply disruptions affecting  the global economy. This paper analyses the significance of Gulf oil from the geopolitical  perspective and global energy security, given the diversity of producers today. Sanctions against Iran, the civil war in Syria, the sabotage of energy infrastructure in the region, all have global  implications. This paper also highlights the volatility of the region, with civilian crises and  external actors playing critical roles.
       **Arab World-Oil and gas resources ; Arab World-Energy security ; Middle East-Oil and gas  resources.

Japan and the Asia-Pacific in the 1970s: From an economic to a ‘heart-to-heart’ relationship.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(Semptmber): 1679-1704.
The article deals with the relationships Japan has built in the Asia-Pacific region in the  aftermath of decolonization. In post-war historic studies, the emphasis has been on issues such as   paying reparations and providing economic assistance as Japan's means of rising to become a world   power, at least from an economic point of view. The article explores, from a historical   perspective, Japan's efforts with regard to development aid, but focuses on its transition to  taking a more active role in Asia. This became more evident from the mid-1970s, when some crucial  events related to the Cold War altered the the balance of power in the world. Hence, it   investigates how Japan faced and took advantage of the situation in this area, and how it modified  its approach to providing foreign assistance to Southeast Asia. Finally, it meditates upon the  meaning of the Fukuda Doctrine as an enhancement of Tokyo's regional policy.
       **Asia-Economic Relations-Japan.

6. Lima , Marcos Costa and Da Silva, Joyce Helena Ferreira        
The conservative reaction in Brazil: The pendulum has swung to the right in the world scenario.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 152-168.
This paper dissects the current global economic crisis and its causes and consequences in the Americas and Europe. It notes that from the beginning of the present century onwards, the left  wing governments that were elected in much of South America improved the lot of the poorest  sections of society but did not curb the power of the entrenched business elites and landowning oligarchies in a context of economic decline and malaise. The dysfunctional democratic system of Brazil and the influence of the reactionary upper classes served by the media and supported by neoconservative Pentecostal evangelist churches, led to the overthrow of President Dilma Rousseff  in a soft coup aiming to restore fiscal austerity and liberal economic policies.
       **Brazil-Economy ; Brazil-Economic crisis.                

7. De Oliveira , Marcos Guedes and De Souza, Deywisson Ronaldo        
Brazil’s “white coup”: Back to the old elite political culture.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 142-151.
After Honduras, Paraguay, Peru and Argentina, Brazil now has a new conservative government intent on correcting the left leaning course of the previous administration led by the Workers’ Party. This paper explains the reasons for the disenchantment of the electorate with the policies of  President Dilma Rousseff in a climate of economic crisis and widespread corruption. It argues that, taking advantage of the government’s weakness, the old business elites and landowning oligarchy have retaken power in a white coup in order to restore the status quo ante and preserve their long held dominance by using the pretext of corruption of which however they are the main  practitioners and beneficiaries.
       **Brazil-Politics and government ; Brazil-Economy ; Brazil-Political changes.

8. Liu-Farrer, Gracia        
Migration as Class-based Consumption: The Emigration of the Rich in Contemporary China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 499-518.
This paper searches for the social meanings of this trend of emigration. Journalists generally attribute the exodus of the rich to a desire to secure their wealth, an aspiration for a different education for their children, or concerns with air pollution and food safety. What this paper argues is that underneath these stated motivations, emigration is in fact a form of class-based consumption, a strategy for class reproduction, and a way to convert economic resources into social status and prestige. “Emigration” (yimin), a form of mobility that may not entail settling abroad, is a path created by wealthy Chinese striving to be among the global elite.

9. Shen, Yang        
Filial Daughters? Agency and Subjectivity of Rural Migrant Women in Shanghai.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 519-537.
In China, continuous rural–urban migration on a massive scale disrupts the traditional rural patriarchal society and makes the temporary non-patrilocal way of residence possible. This new residential pattern has brought profound changes to the lives of migrants. Based on participant observation and interviewing, this article intends to explore the exercise of agency and the representation of subjectivity of female migrant workers in intimate relations after migration. By emphasizing the intergenerational relationship and partner relationships of both unmarried and married women, I demonstrate a complicated picture regarding the changing status of rural migrant women and show how these women both conform and challenge the social norm of filial obligations, through which their agency is exerted and subjectivity is crafted.


10. Hui, Elaine Sio-ieng        
The Labour Law System, Capitalist Hegemony and Class Politics in China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 431-455.
This article investigates how the Chinese labour law system has helped to reproduce capitalis hegemony, i.e. the ethico-political, moral and cultural leadership of the ruling class. Based on intensive fieldwork in the Pearl River Delta and 115 interviews with migrant workers, this article shows that the labour law system has exercised a double hegemonic effect with regards to capital–labour relations and state–labour relations. Through normalizing, countervailing, concealing and transmuting mechanisms, the labour law system has been able to buffer both the  market economy and the party-state from workers’ radical and fundamental criticism. However, the double hegemony mediated through the labour law system has influenced the Chinese migrant workers  in an uneven manner: some of them have granted active consent to the ruling class leadership; some have only rendered passive consent; and some have refused to give any consent at all.


11. Luo, Qiangqiang and Andreas, Joel        
Using Religion to Resist Rural Dispossession: A Case Study of a Hui Muslim Community in North-west  China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 477-498.
This paper, examine the role played by religion in a struggle waged by Hui Muslim villagers against land expropriation. Religion can provide powerful resources for protest movements, especially for religious minorities, but it can also be dangerous. This is particularly true in China where the state has had little toleration of autonomous organization and has long been suspicious of religious organization, especially among ethnic minorities. Scholarly literature about collective action by religious minorities in China has focused on protests about cultural and political issues – and the repression of such protests – but there has been relatively little scholarship about protests by religious minorities over economic issues. The number of protests over economic conflicts has increased in recent years, and the state has been more tolerant of economic than of political protests. These conditions have shaped the following questions: what happens when villagers employ religious ideas and use religious organization to advance economic demands? How effective are religious ideas and organization as tools of mobilization? How do  government authorities respond?
**China-Minority Politics.


12. Stepan, Matthias, Han, Enze and Reeskens, Tim        
Building the New Socialist Countryside: Tracking Public Policy and Public Opinion Changes in  China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 456-476.
Ever since the introduction of the national political programme of “Building a new socialist countryside” (BNSC) in the early 2000s, renewed focus has been cast on how the Chinese government manages the gap between its rural and urban areas in the new millennium. Previous research has mostly studied the social and political consequences of the BNSC initiative without paying particular attention to its effects on public opinion. In this article, we present an analysis of the 2002 and 2008 waves of the mainland China subset of the Asian Barometer. Our results show a significant shift in the perceptions of the rural population in respect to how much impact government policies have on daily life. This shift brings rural perceptions more in line with those of the urban population in 2002. The paper concludes with the implications of our findings for the study of the relations between public opinion and public policy in China.


13. Mattingly, Daniel C        
Elite Capture: How Decentralization and Informal Institutions Weaken Property Rights in China.World Politics, 68(3), 2016(June): 383-412.
This article argues that strong social institutions also empower local elites who may use their informal influence to control their group and capture rents. Drawing on evidence from case studies of Chinese villages, the article shows that lineage group leaders who become village officials use their combination of social and political authority to confiscate villagers’ land. Evidence from a survey experiment suggests that endorsement of a land confiscation plan by lineage elites elicits greater compliance with property seizures. A national survey indicates that when a lineage leader becomes a village cadre, it is associated with a 14 to 20 percent increase in the likelihood of a land expropriation. The findings demonstrate how informal institutions and local civil society can  be tools of top-down political control.
14. Stepan, Matthias, Han, Enze and Reeskens, Tim        
Building the New Socialist Countryside: Tracking Public Policy and Public Opinion Changes in  China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 456-476.
Ever since the introduction of the national political programme of “Building a new socialist countryside” (BNSC) in the early 2000s, renewed focus has been cast on how the Chinese government manages the gap between its rural and urban areas in the new millennium. Previous research has mostly studied the social and political consequences of the BNSC initiative without paying particular attention to its effects on public opinion. In this article, we present an analysis of  the 2002 and 2008 waves of the mainland China subset of the Asian Barometer. Our results show a  significant shift in the perceptions of the rural population in respect to how much impact government policies have on daily life. This shift brings rural perceptions more in line with  those of the urban population in 2002. The paper concludes with the implications of our findings for the study of the relations between public opinion and public policy in China.
15. Trevaskes,Susan    
Using Mao to Package Criminal Justice Discourse in 21st-century China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 299-318.
“Strike hard” anti-crime campaigns, “harmonious justice” and “stability maintenance” are the three key politically inspired agendas of crime control and punishment in 21st-century China. This paper is a study of how discourse has helped to package these agendas and to mobilize politico-legal  functionaries into action. It examines discourse in the first weeks of the 2014 “people's war on terror” and the agendas of “harmonious justice” and “stability maintenance” in the Hu Jintao era. It finds that each has been rationalized and shaped by an understanding of the utility of punishment based on Mao's utilitarian dialectics. The political virtuosity of Mao's dialectics is that it can be adapted to suit any political situation. In understanding how Mao connects with criminal justice in China today, this paper identifies what is the “political” in “politico-legal” discourse in the fight against crime in the 21st century.

16. Woodman, Sophia    
Local Politics, Local Citizenship? Socialized Governance in Contemporary China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 342-362.
This article presents an ethnographic account of the operation of this “normal” form of local citizenship in resident and villager committees in Tianjin. These committees combine participatory and welfare dimensions of citizenship in one institutional setting. Here, citizens are bound to the state through a face-to-face politics that acts both as a mechanism of control and a channel for claims-making, a mode of rule I term “socialized governance,” which blurs the boundaries between political compliance and social conformity, and makes social norms a strong force in the citizenship order. While variably achieved in practice, this form of citizenship represents an ideal that shapes conditions for politics and perceptions of inequality.
17. Xu,Bin    
Moral Performance and Cultural Governance in China: the compassionate politics of disasters.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 407-430.
 This article examines the Chinese state's moral performance during several major disasters,  including the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, the 1998 Yangtze River floods, and the 1976 Tangshan earthquake. Drawing on the theatrical theory of symbolic politics, I argue that the Sichuan earthquake marked a turn in the state's moral performance. While the Chinese state continued to project an image of a secure, heroic state, it endeavoured to construct a sympathetic image  through leaders' displays of compassion and sorrow, a mourning ritual for ordinary victims, and narratives of response and rescue. This shift towards a more compassionate performance can be explained by the state's deployment of cultural resources to respond to societal challenges since the new millennium and its effort to repair its image amid the crises of 2008. The compassionate  performance was temporarily effective because it found common ground with the traditional political culture of disaster, which still shapes the public's expectations of the state's moral  conduct, and the new public culture that values equality and dignity of human life. Nevertheless, the political dilemmas of the compassionate performance became evident. Its efficacy largely  relied on the presentation of suffering at the scene, which, however, led to public demands for  the state to address the causes of the suffering. When the state failed to construct an  “accountable state” image, this “dilemma of scene” had repercussions for its legitimacy.


18. Wang,Yuhua        
Beyond Local Protectionism: China's State–Business Relations in the Last Two Decades.
 The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 319-341.
This article presents a large-scale, systematic study of politically connected firms in China. It was conducted by compiling a database of all the publicly traded firms in China in 1993, 2002 and 2012 that codes the biographies of hundreds of thousands of board members. I find that there has been a significant increase in the percentage of firms that are connected with the national government in the last 20 years. This casts doubt on a popular argument that businesses in China have primarily relied on “local protectionism.” I interpret this as a result of firms' need to connect with powerful and stable institutions. I test this by examining the impact of the fall of  Chen Liangyu on firms in Shanghai.
       **China-Politics and Government.
19. Hanser, Amy        
Street Politics: Street Vendors and Urban Governance in China.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 363-382.
     This paper considers how visions of modern urban streets and sidewalks have helped to generate increasingly restrictive policies on street vending and spurred new forms of urban regulation and  policing. While mostly an everyday routine of Chinese city life, the resulting vendor–chengguan conflicts dramatize state power in public and carry the latent danger of crowd violence in  response. In particular, aggressive policing of highly visible city streets can at times produce a  volatile “politics of the street” involving episodes of vendor resistance and even dramatic expressions of bystander solidarity which challenge these street-level expressions of state power.


20. Mains, Daniel and Kinfu, Eshetayehu        
Making the city of nations and nationalities: the politics of ethnicity and roads in Hawassa, Ethiopia.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(4), 2016(November): 645-669.
This article examines the relationship between the politics of ethnicity and road construction in Hawassa, Ethiopia. The Ethiopian state has recently invested unprecedented amounts of money in the construction of urban roads. These roads both undermine and reinforce longstanding ethnic hierarchies within Ethiopian cities. Contrary to the image promoted by the state of harmony among  residents of different ethnic backgrounds, our research revealed a great deal of tension, particularly concerning the distribution of benefits from state-led infrastructural development.  


21. Stacey, Paul and Lund, Christian        
In a state of slum: governance in an informal urban settlement in Ghana.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(4), 2016(November): 591-615.
The article contributes to studies of governance in informal urban settlements on two fronts. First, it shows how informal arrangements lead to the provision of basic public services and influence the workings of formal institutions of government. Second, it challenges facile understandings of large-scale informal settlements as generally chaotic, lawless or subversive.


22. MacLean, Lauren et. at.        
The construction of citizenship and the public provision of electricity during the 2014 World Cup   in Ghana.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(4), 2016(November): 555-590.
Why did the Ghanaian state go to such extraordinary lengths to facilitate the reliable broadcast of the World Cup in 2014? During a period of frequent power outages, Ghana swapped power with
 regional neighbours and directed major domestic industries to reduce production in order to allow   Ghanaians to watch their national soccer team compete in the World Cup. This paper investigates  the politics of the public service provision of electricity in Ghana. We focus on the short-term crisis during the 2014 World Cup to reveal the citizens' and politicians' expectations about electricity as a public good. Drawing on an analysis of archival documents, Ghanaian newspapers,  and interviews with government, business, and NGO officials in the energy sector, we argue that  the Ghanaian state historically has created the expectation of electricity as a right of national  citizenship and explore how this intersects with competitive party politics today.


23. Cheng, Edmund W        
Street Politics in a Hybrid Regime: The Diffusion of Political Activism in Post-colonial Hon.
The China Quarterly, 226, 2016(June): 383-406.
This paper examines the diffusion of activism in post-colonial Hong Kong through the lens of the political regime and eventful analysis. It first reveals the institutional foundations of the  hybrid regime that allowed the creation of a nascent movement society. It then explains how the  historic 1 July rally in 2003 and a series of critical events since 2006 have led to a shift in  scale and the public staging of street politics. A time-series analysis and onsite survey further capture the dynamics that spawned the collective recognition of grievances and reduced  participation costs, leading to the Umbrella Movement. While the spontaneous, voluntary and decentralized organizational structure sustained protest momentum, the regime has adopted hybrid strategies to counter-mobilize bottom-up activism. The result is widening contention between the  state and civil society and within civil society, or the coexistence of regime instability and regime longevity, a trend that is increasingly common in hybrid regimes encountering mass  protests.
       **Hong Kong-Politics.
24. MAHMOOD,TAHIR        
Collaboration and British Military Recruitment: Fresh perspectives from colonial Punjab, 1914–1918.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(Semptmber).
The article examines the ways in which rural elite collaborators mobilized recruits for the British Army during the First World War. It thus not only increases knowledge of Punjab's military history, but adds to the understanding of collaboration as a process involving competitive groups in which elites manipulated the process for their own ends. The case study material drawn from the   Shahpur district of the colonial Punjab argues that while there may have been a degree of  indoctrination into the colonial state's values, it was mainly the desire to use its patronage to bolster family influence or to transform local hierarchies that was the key factor in securing willing collaborators. The competition for local power and influence provided a local dynamic to the collaborative process. The state could of course take advantage of this competition to serve  its interests, just as the Punjabi tribal chiefs could utilize state patronage to beat off rivals to their power. Collaboration was thus a dynamic two-way process, rather than, as it is often portrayed, a top-down, one-way relationship.

25. ROBB, MEGAN EATON        
Women's Voices, Men's Lives: Masculinity in a North Indian Urdu newspaper*.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(September): 1441-1473.
Literary journals and newspapers aiming to reform the religious beliefs and domestic habits of women were common in early twentieth-century North India. Although most readings have focused on  how these texts reflected male legislation of women's behaviour, we should look at Muslim reformist literature to understand male experiences; this investigation offers new insights into an emergent middle-class identity defined more by manners than birth. Readings of a previously little-researched Urdu newspaper, Madinah, and its women's section offer new insights on male experiences of reformism, characterized by profound ambivalence. Playfulness emerged in some reformist descriptions of women's voices, channelling the influence of rekhti. Ultimately Madinah  cultivated pride in Islam's strict division of gender roles and conversely threatened men with  shame for failing to regulate uneducated women.
       **India,North India-History
26. MOHAN, JYOTI        
The Glory of Ancient India Stems from her Aryan Blood: French anthropologists ‘construct’ the  racial history of India for the world.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(September).
In the last century the French presented their race-neutral policies as evidence of their colour blindness. Yet they were among the foremost proponents of race theory and racial hierarchy, which propelled the colonial machine of the nineteenth century. This article examines the role of French  academics in creating a position for India in the racial imagination for the first time in  history. It examines the motivations behind such a focus on India and the resulting response from  Britain, the colonial ruler. The works of Paul Topinard, Louis Rousselet, Arthur Gobineau, and   Gustave le Bon are situated in the colonial and political context of the mid-nineteenth century to demonstrate not only that it was the French, and not the Germans, who placed India on an Aryan  pedestal, but that this move was propelled by the dream of an unfulfilled French empire in India.
27. Williams, Richard David        
Krishna's Neglected Responsibilities: religious devotion and social critique in eighteenth-century North India*.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(5), 2016(September): 1403-1440.
This article examines the literary strategies employed by a devotional poet who wrote about recent events in the eighteenth century, in order to shed light on contemporary notions of social responsibility. Taking the poetic treatment of Ahmad Shah Abdali's invasion of North India and the  sacking of Vrindavan in 1757 as its primary focus, the article will discuss how political and  theological understandings of lordship converged at a popular level, such that a deity could be  called to account as a neglectful landlord as well as venerated in a bhakti context.


28. Sibal, Kanwal        
The South China sea: security and economic implications of India’s policies.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 46-52.
Faced with the rapid rise of the global power of China and its claims in the South China Sea, India has been bolstering cooperation with Vietnam, Japan and Australia to protect maritime security and freedom of navigation according to international laws of the seas in the Indo-Pacific  region. India and the US have also strengthened relations in the interest of regional security.  While New Delhi does not wish to isolate or ignore Beijing but rather include it in evolving  international agreements, growing Chinese military influence in the Indian Ocean and Bay of Bengal  remains one of India’s main concerns.
       **India-Economic policy-South China Sea; India-Securityy policy-South China Sea.
29. HAKALA, WALTER N        
From Sepoy to Film Star: Indian interpreters of an Afghan mythic space.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(Semptmber): 501-1546.
The paucity of sources documenting the role of Indians in the nineteenth-century British imperial engagement with Afghanistan has resulted in significant lacunae within later cultural artefacts documenting the period. The South Asians who formed the bulk of British expeditionary forces in the first Anglo-Afghan war (1837–1842) were, however, indispensable as cultural intermediaries, translating little-studied Afghan languages into patterns of South Asian speech that had become familiar to colonial officials through a gradual and ongoing process of exposure in India proper and, in the presence of comprador agents, beyond. For English-language authors writing in the aftermath of the traumatic retreat of the British army from Afghanistan in 1842, British India and  its subject populations provided a convenient and long-established set of topoi through which to produce convincingly authentic representations of Afghanistan as an exotic and alien ‘mythic  space’. Following George Steiner and Richard Slotkin, this article argues that the narrative   memorials to the first Anglo-Afghan War become possible only through the activation of a   particular set of stable, yet portable, South Asian literary figures which stand in for   Afghanistan itself.


30. Kumar, S Y Surendra        
Two years of Narendra Modi’s foreign policy.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 96-111.
The Narendra Modi led government completed two years in power in May 2016 and the prime minister   has made his mark on both the domestic and foreign policy fronts. It is important to assess how   successful his initiatives have been in the arena of foreign affairs in comparison to his   predecessors. In this regard, this paper identi? es and examines the key trends and issues in   foreign policy under the Modi led administration and the measures needed to translate speeches and   policies into action.
**India-Foreign policy ; India-Bilateral relations-USA; India-Bilateral relations-Africa ; India-Foreign policy-Neighbouring Counties.
31. Mishra, Manoj Kumar        
Soft and hard power in India’s foreign policy.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 34-44.
India adopted soft power as an instrumental tool in its foreign policy approach long before the term was formally conceptualised and became an integral concept in the discipline of international  politics in the late 1980s, when Joseph Nye first introduced it to explain the changing dynamics of American foreign policy. The persistence and success of the Non-Aligned Movement in providing  an alternative to the power politics of the Cold War era, laid the foundation of India’s soft  power. However, New Delhi’s policy towards its South Asian neighbours throughout the Cold War period was marked by a hard power approach driven by security considerations. Although Indian  leaders have attempted to build trust and enhance cultural, economic and political interactions  with neighbours, especially since the enunciation of the Gujral Doctrine, efforts at accumulating   more hard power resources by following a course of multi-alignment at the global level have   undercut its soft power resources in the region.
 **India-Foreign policy ; India-Diplomacy ; India-Foreign policy-South Asia.

32. Hazarika, Obja Borah and Mishra, Vivek        
South Asia as a battleground: soft power contestation between India and China.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 112-128.
Soft power has become an indispensable component of a country’s power and in? uence today. It has   emerged as a new requisite of present day geopolitics, more so for rising powers like India and   China. The two nations possess abundant soft power resources, as both have their cuisines,  cultures, economic attractiveness, entertainment industries, spiritualities and technological advancements along with widespread and in? uential Diasporas. India and China have been competing  to increase their in? uence in South Asia by using soft power among other means as an instrument  of power politics. Chinese efforts through its One Belt One Road initiative and India’s sustained  efforts to remain a crucial partner in the national development of Afghanistan are examples of competition between the two Asian giants.
**India-Foreign policy-China ; China-Soft power ; India-Soft power; India-National

33. Sahoo, Prasanta        
A history of India's neighbourhood policy.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 66-81.
India's neighbourhood policy has revolved around national security issues and economic development encouraged by its historical strategic culture and furthered by the desire to become a global  power. The country’s geopolitical and geostrategic location has also prompted New Delhi to pursue   unique relations with neighbours. Important turning points in the history of relations have been   India’s nuclear tests of 1998, the Kargil War of 1999 and the 2001 terrorist attacks in the US and   on the Indian parliament. With the background of Gujarat’s development model and inspiration from  the Gujral Doctrine, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has embarked on a pragmatic and proactive policy of putting the “neighbourhood ? rst”. Nonetheless, India needs a new approach to deal with its versatile neighbours and become a regional economic and political powerhouse.
       **India-Foreign policy-Neighboring countries ; India-Bilateral relations-Neighboring countries; India-Foreign policy-SAARC countries ; Terrorism.

The Making of the India–Pakistan Dynamic: Nehru, Liaquat, and the No War Pact correspondence of  1950.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(Semptmber): 1645-1678.
In January 1950, Jawaharlal Nehru wrote to Liaquat Ali Khan, seeking a joint declaration of a No  War Pact by the governments of India and Pakistan. The two prime ministers undertook a lengthy correspondence on this subject, spanning a year that saw rising levels of resentment and hostility  between the two countries. Yet, as the inter-dominion correspondence on the No War declaration  during this period shows, neither government was actually predisposed to take a belligerent position and critically engaged with the possibility of signing a declaration that renounced the  use of war. As I hope to show through my discussion of the ‘No War Pact’ correspondence, relations between India and Pakistan were not necessarily confined to hostile exchanges, and both governments also repeatedly engaged with each other to attempt to find spaces of agreement and  compromise. Although much of the existing literature on India–Pakistan relations characterizes it as locked in acrimony and conflict, which arose from the bitterness of partition, a closer  scrutiny reveals a more nuanced picture. Attempts at cooperation and dialogue between the two  governments—and the rationale for undertaking them—complicate our understanding of a relationship apparently limited to instinctive antagonism, and help in creating a more rounded picture of the India–Pakistan dynamic.
       **India-Foreign Relation-Pakistan.
35. Khobragade, Vinod        
India–Nepal relation: Engagement and estrangement.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 146-162.
Despite Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Neighbourhood First Policy, relations between India  and Nepal have suffered recently, mostly as a result of the latter’s internal political conflicts in the process of adopting a new constitution. New Delhi supports the demands of the Madhesis who   have close ethnic ties with their Indian neighbours across the border. Nepal’s ruling classes  especially leftist politicians see this as an interference in their country’s affairs and have  invited China to play a greater role as a balancer to India’s overwhelming in? uence. The Modi led  government however must be careful in its dealings with Kathmandu if it wants to avoid lasting  hostility from its small northern neighbour.
       **India-Foreign relations-Nepal ; Nepal-Foreign relations-China ; India-Bilateral relations-Nepal.

36. Choudhary, Abhishek        
Personality, cognition and international negotiations: The case of the Simla agreement.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 82-94.
The role of cognition and emotion in international negotiations has been largely ignored and is typically considered a psychological variable. It is however an important factor when looking at  the processes of international negotiations and the case of the Simla Agreement between India and  Pakistan in the aftermath of the 1971 war alludes to this argument. Its perceived successes/failures are indicative of the role of cognition acting between the two sides during and  after negotiations. Cognition and emotion are central to an individual’s behaviour towards his environment and personal individual traits play a decisive role in shaping negotiating processes. This paper analyses literature based on exploratory methodology and highlights the psychological aspect underpinning the Simla Agreement. The data for research are mainly drawn from secondary  sources including extant literature, newspaper articles and reports.
       **India-Foreign relations-Pakistan ; India-Foreign policy-Pakistan ; Kashmir issues ; Simla  agreement.
37. VERGHESE, AJAY        
British Rule and Tribal Revolts in India: The curious case of Bastar*.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(Semptmber): 1619-1644.
British colonial rule in India precipitated a period of intense rebellion among the country's indigenous groups. Most tribal conflicts occurred in the British provinces, and many historians have documented how a host of colonial policies gave rise to widespread rural unrest and violence.  In the post-independence period, many of the colonial-era policies that had caused revolt were not  reformed, and tribal conflict continued in the form of the Naxalite insurgency. This article  considers why the princely state of Bastar has continuously been a major centre of tribal conflict  in India. Why has this small and remote kingdom, which never came under direct British rule, suffered so much bloodshed? Using extensive archival material, this article highlights two key  findings: first, that Bastar experienced high levels of British intervention during the colonial  period, which constituted the primary cause of tribal violence in the state; and second, that the  post-independence Indian government has not reformed colonial policies in this region, ensuring a continuation and escalation of tribal conflict through the modern Naxalite movement.
       **India-Naxlite Movement.

38. Dodh, Pankaj        
Changing strategic dynamics in West Asia: ramifications for India.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 130-145.
 As a geopolitical centre of gravity, West Asia holds a key position in shaping the contours of contemporary world politics. It is a strategic pivot linking Africa, Europe and Asia through the Suez Canal. The resurgence of political Islam in post-Arab Spring regional politics together with  the rise of violent religious extremism and the recent Iranian nuclear agreement with the P5+1  have raised both hopes of and challenges to regional and international players including India. West Asia is critical for India’s security and prosperity and they have a strong historical, civilisational and geographical af? nity. The region is also its oil and gas lifeline, as it  supplies 70 per cent of the country’s energy. India’s cumulative trade with the Middle East is  estimated at around $160 billion. Moreover, the presence of six million Indian expatriate workers  is a resource multiplier, as they send an annual remittance of nearly $50 billion.
   **India-Strategic relations-West Asia; India-Foreign relations-West Asia.


40. YANG, CHAN        
Ruthless Manipulation or Benevolent Amnesia? The role of the history of the Fifteen-year War in  China's diplomacy towards Japan before the 1982 Textbook Incident*.
Modern Asian Studies, 50(05), 2016(September): 1705-1747.
Exploring how the history of the Fifteen-year War was dealt with in pre-1982 mainland China is an essential step towards understanding the currently explosive Sino-Japanese History Problem; furthermore, this might shed light on various issues in the post-war history of China and  Sino-Japanese relations. However, available research on the pre-1982 period is scarce and problematic. Earlier political scientists argue that the history of the war was ruthlessly manipulated by the Chinese Communist Party regime, while some recent studies believe that the war was conveniently ‘forgotten’ as Sino-Japanese friendship was vital for the government of the  People's Republic of China. This article aims at providing an accurate and thorough picture of how the history of the Fifteen-year War was positioned in the diplomatic practice of the Chinese Communist Party regime in relation to Japan during the period.
  **Japan-Foreign Relation-China.

41. Bowman, Warigia M and Bowman, J David        
Censorship or self-control? Hate speech, the state and the voter in the Kenyan election of 2013.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(3), 2016(September): 495-531.
In 2013, the Kenyan government adopted a hybrid censorship strategy that relied on regulation, the  presence of a strong security state, and the willingness of Kenyans to self-censor. The goal of  this censorship strategy was to ensure a peaceful election. This study examines two issues. First,  it investigates steps taken by the Kenyan government to minimise hate speech. Second, it explores how efforts to minimise hate speech affected citizen communications over SMS during the 2013  election. An initial round of qualitative data was gathered (n = 101) through a structured exit interview administered election week. A statistically significant, representative sample of quantitative data was gathered by a reputable Kenyan polling firm (n ≥ 2000). Both sets of empirical data indicate that Kenyan citizens cooperated in large part with efforts to limit  political speech. Yet speech was not always completely “peaceful’. Rather, voters used electronic  media to insult, offend, and express contentious political views as well as express peace speech.  This study argues that the empirical evidence suggests hate speech over text messages during the Kenyan election declined between 2008 and 2013.”.

42. Elfversson, Emma        
Peace from below: Governance and peacebuilding in Kerio Valley, Kenya.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(3), 2016(September): 469-493.
Under what circumstances can non-state actors become successful local peacemakers? A growing body  of research documents the involvement of non-state actors in local conflict resolution in Africa.  However, there is large variation in such actors' power, legitimacy, and ultimately their ability  to contribute to conflict resolution. The ways in which contextual and dynamic factors at local  and national levels, and in particular the relationship between non-state and state actors and  institutions, affect local conflict resolution are not sufficiently understood. To address this  gap, this paper analyses the peace process addressing a long-standing conflict in Kerio Valley,  Kenya. The analysis illustrates how the failure of the state to provide security and basic services led non-state actors to fill important roles in governance. Through this process, they were endowed with legitimacy and power which enabled them to play key roles in a peace process  that led to a mutually acceptable peace agreement.
43. Erlich, Aaron and Kerr, Nicholas Kerr        
‘The local mwananchi has lost trust’: design, transition and legitimacy in Kenyan election   management.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(4), 2016(November): 671-702.
Across African democracies, maintaining popular trust in electoral management bodies (EMBs) is vital to enhancing election integrity and, ultimately, regime legitimacy. However, scholars have largely sidestepped any systematic analysis of how citizens formulate their attitudes towards EMBs  and how these attitudes vary over time. To address these gaps in the literature, we focus on  Kenyan EMBs, which have experienced fluctuating popular support since the ruinous 2007 elections  and subsequent institutional reforms. Using primary election reports and original survey and focus  group data, we analyse the sources of Kenyans' trust in EMBs from 1992 onward and probe the 2013  election period deeply. Across time, we find that confidence in EMBs usually collapses after polarised elections, due to perceived problems with the EMB's autonomy and capacity. Following the  2013 elections, Kenyans were also more likely to lose confidence in the EMB if they were affiliated with losing presidential candidates or if they were critical of EMB performance.

44. Mishali-Ram, Meirav        
Islam as a political ideology: used for the foundation, consolidation and fragmentation of Pakistan.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June): 54-711.
This article explores the sources of civil strife in Pakistan. It addresses the ongoing   theoretical debate on the sources of violent strife, which distinguishes between material and   perceptual causes of conflict and places sub-national identities within the context of political    and socioeconomic circumstances. The article uses the BFRS Dataset of Political Violence in    Pakistan to examine a wide array of deadly incidents from 1988 to 2011. It argues that among the various causes of the continuing conflict, the most prevailing source lies in the role assigned to  Islam in Pakistan’s political ideology. In searching for an inclusive nationalism to unite micro identities loosely knitted together within the nation, Pakistan’s elites have drawn on Islam, which had been utilised as the founding logic of the state. In doing so, they have persistently promoted a message of Islamism that has now become the major source of internal strif.
**Pakistan-Politics and government ; Pakistan-Islam ; Pakistan-Political ideology.

45. Ivanchenko, Viktoriia        
NGO public diplomacy as an instrument of global “soft power” competition American and west  European approaches.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 10-14.
Public diplomacy has become an effi cient and popular instrument o f the nontraditional diplomatic activity of a state. Its potential for dialogue among civil society representatives and creative  format help states and societies promote foreign policy. It also explains the logic of the external actions of particular countries in non-ordinary and semiformal ways. Today, public diplomacy is also regarded as a strong component of global “soft power” competition between  influential states.
 **Public diplomacy ; USA-Foreign policy ; Europe-Foreign policy.
46. Justin, Peter Hakim and Leeuwen, Mathijs Van        
The politics of displacement-related land conflict in Yei River County, South Sudan.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(3), 2016(September): 419-442.
Drawing on empirical evidence from Yei River County in South Sudan, this paper argues that, rather  than a temporary phenomenon, displacement may lead to a drastic reorganisationof land occupation  and governance. Such reorganisation may become strongly connected to broader political contention.  In the case of Yei, existing legal frameworks and institutions are inadequate to deal with land conflicts resulting from massive displacement and return. Crucially, historical grievances result  in the displaced no longer being perceived as powerless victims, but as agents of a Dinka agenda  to (re)occupy territories in Equatoria, and as perpetrators in land conflict. Such politics of  land-control and identity may turn land disputes between displaced people and returnees into a  major source of instability. At the same time, those displaced people who are not well-connected politically may lose their land rights.
**South Sudan-Politics.
47. Tagotra, Niharika        
Southeast Asia and China: Enmeshment or deluded engagement?
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(3), 2016(July-September): 48-59.
The growing rhetoric on ASEAN’s successful containment of China through its enmeshment and hedging  strategies suffered a setback when Chinese foreign policy signalled a clear shift from “good neighbourliness” to aggressive “muscle ? exing”. The failure of ASEAN led institutions like ARF to  impact regional maritime disputes and the growing discord between China and member countries over disputed islands has brought the organisation’s role as a security community under the scanner. This paper analyses the failure of that policy and contemplates the future of the region under the  shadow of a rising China.
 **Southeast Asia-Foreign policy-China ; ASEAN-Foreign policy-China ; USA-Foreign  policy-Asia–Pacific Region ; Southeast Asia-Regional security strategies.

48. Khashan, Hilal        
An uprising waiting to happen: The Syrian conflict from the authoritarian bargain perspective.
World Affairs: The Journal of International issues, 20(2), 2016(April-June).
This paper contends that the Syrian Ba’ath Party’s authoritarian bargain introduced by the late   Hafez al-Assad soon after he assumed the presidency in 1971, expired a few years prior to the  eruptions of 2011. It demonstrates this termination by examining Syria’s political and social situation as well as the inability of the government to maintain a balance between regime security and the provision of welfare to the public. Despite a decline of welfare benefits, there was no  reduction in the application of extreme coercion. Matters worsened with the alliance between the regime and the new urban business class that alienated the countryside, which previously had  provided the bulwark against the threat of urban forces of change.
**Syria-Political system ; Syria-Sociopolitical situation ; Syria-Economic growth.


49. Owens, Geoffrey Ross        
Select ‘We are not farmers’: Dilemmas and prospects of residential suburban cultivators in contemporary Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(3), 2016(September): 443-467.
Today, a majority of citizens of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, participate in suburban and exurban growth and development much like urbanites throughout the world. Unlike the garden suburbs of North America or Europe, Dar es Salaam's suburban residents often engage in multiple income-generating activities, the most common and conspicuous of which are cultivation and animal  husbandry. The presence of urban farming has suggested that Dar es Salaam's residents represent  peasants incrementally transitioning to urban life. This article however, contends that everything from the varieties of cultivation, access to land and water, to the definition of what it means to be a farmer is shaped by decentralised private interests controlling access to land and resources in suburban neighbourhoods. The varieties of cultivation and animal husbandry instead reflect socioeconomic class distinctions emerging from a new suburban political economy, enabling a clearer perspective on the prospects of cultivators as these suburban districts transform.

50. Aeby, Michael        
Making an impact from the margins? Civil society groups in Zimbabwe's interim power-sharing  process.
Journal of Modern African Studies, 54(4), 2016(November).
The paper examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in Zimbabwe's interim   power-sharing process. It identifies CSOs’ organisational capacity, nature of engagement in the political process and relations with the power-sharing parties as the principal issues affecting CSOs’ ability to promote peace-making and democratisation in the context of a transitional executive power-sharing process. Based on these analytical themes, the case analysis argues that CSOs’ sway on the transition was particularly constrained by organisational fragmentation and disunity, divergent strategies vis-à-vis the interregnum, diminishing access to political elites, the latter's refusal to permit greater civic involvement, and continued repression.

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