MEA Library
Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India

Whether we're talking about United States presidents, CEOs, Major League coaches, or wartime generals, leaders are remembered for their best and worst judgment calls. In the face of ambiguity, uncertainty, and conflicting demands, the quality of a leader's judgment determines the fate of the entire organization. That's why judgment is the essence of leadership. Yet despite its importance, judgment has always been a fairly murky concept. The leadership literature has been conspicuously quiet on what, exactly, defines it. Does judgment differ from common sense or gut instinct? Is it a product of luck? Of smarts? Or is there a process for making consistently good calls?

This book is an extraordinary self-portrait of India s leading political personality - L.K. Advani. As an immigrant who was forced to abandon his beloved Sindh, which became a part of Pakistan after India was partitioned in 1947, on the basis of the communally inspired Two Nation Theory , Advani gives a poignant first-person account of that tragedy. With a career spanning six decades as a political activist in post-1947 India, during which he has been a ring-side viewer of, and participant in, almost all the major socio-political developments in India, Advani is uniquely qualified to offer a perspective on independent India s political evolution. The apogee of Advani s achievement was his seminal contribution, together with his senior colleague Atal Bihari Vajpayee, to ending the Congress party s dominance over India s polity by building the Bharatiya Janata Party as a viable alternative for governing India. The book provides a riveting, insightful and assertive account of Advani s fight for democracy during the Emergency, his Ram Rath Yatra for the reconstruction of the Ram Temple at Ayodhya that resulted in the biggest mass movement in India since Independence and catalysed a nationwide debate on the true meaning of secularism, and his years as India s Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister in the Vajpayee-led government of the National Democratic Alliance between 1998-2004. The importance and relevance of the publication of his memoirs has increased considerably since he has now been chosen by the BJP-led NDA to lead the multi-party alliance into the forthcoming parliamentary elections. My Country My Life is a testimony to what Advani s admirers as well as his critics have always known him for: the gift of clarity of thought, strong convictions and forceful articulation. This is a candid reflection on himself, his party and his nation that is likely to engage readers in a tour de force with India s leading statesman. In a country where political memoirs, especially by those who are still active in politics, are rare, this book is a landmark.

This concise and clearly argued book makes the case that Israel's desire to be the sole regional power in the Middle East neatly chimes with Bush's objectives in the "war on terror". Examining a host of related issues, from the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians to the role of Big Oil and the deionization of the Arab world, Cook argues that the current chaos in the Middle East is the objective of the Bush administration---a policy that is equally beneficial to Israel.

This book argues that the Arab states in the Middle East have failed to provide security for their citizens or define themselves along the lines of traditional nation states. Due to continuous war, they have been unable to foster development and prosperity The author argues that these failures have led to the development of an Islamic political theory that is based around the non-territorial concepts of the Umma and Dawla. Each concept is explored in detail and the author explains how crucial they are in explaining the difference between Western policy and the priorities and the identity of the Arab world.

Combining essential themes in the discipline of comparative politics with a country-by-country analysis, author provides a complete and accessible introduction to the modern Middle East. While emphasizing politics, the text dedicates separate chapters specifically to the history, religions, and political economy of the region. These introductory chapters together constitute an important thematic overview and orientation for each of the book's individual country chapters, including countries of the Persian (Arabian) Gulf, the Eastern Mediterranean, and North Africa. In each country chapter, a brief political history is followed by discussions of democratization, religious politics, women's issues, civil society, economic development, privatization, and foreign relations.

This volume examines the gap between agreements and actual peace by focusing on the different aspects of implementation and of the causes of the success or failure of peace processes. While in the early 1990s the conflicts/peace processes in South Africa, Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine shared commonalities, a decade later it is all but obvious that they have followed different trajectories and reached different outcomes. This edited volume offers different explanations for the successes and failures of the three processes and provides historical and comparative perspectives regarding their contemporary realities.

Regional cooperation, regionalism and regionalization in the Middle East are usually considered to be weak and rather ceremonial. However, since September 11, 2001, a new regional order is emerging and the impact of geostrategic changes in the international environment has yet to be satisfactorily studied. With older regional organizations suffering from weaknesses, new forms appear to be developing and flourishing, due either to European support or growing sub-regional identities. This volume offers refined theoretical models and approaches which are attuned to the new dynamics and contradictions of a wide range of regionalist projects in the contemporary Middle East.

This book explores, on the basis of theoretical overviews and empirical case studies, how soldiers cope with the new forms of cultural diversity occurring within various multinational military operations and how their organizations manage them. In the postmodern global world, military organizations, like other complex organizations, are now operating in an ever more diverse environment, and their missions are themselves also very diverse (war fighting, counter-terrorism, peace-enforcing, peacekeeping, humanitarian) and take place all over the world, in culturally, ethnically, and linguistically diverse regions, and mostly conducted in a multinational framework. It is crucial for military organizations to understand how military personnel manage the cultural diversity caused by the necessity of international cooperation between the various national contingents and by the relations with the other actors in the theatre of operations.

This volume discusses the military, diplomatic and economic measures being taken by the major Asian countries and Australia to establish a new framework for strategic stability. In the process, the contributors examine the global pressures that are impacting on these countries' security dilemmas and, from the perspective of these countries, the patterns of expected behavior that China would have to fulfill for a regional security order to emerge in Asia.

This comparative social scientific volume takes examples of transitions to democracy (East Europe, Spain) to peace (South Africa, Israel, Northern Ireland) and to territorial decentralization (the United Kingdom, France, Spain), showing in each case how socio-political change and identity change have interlocked. It defines a typology of national identity shift, tracing the changing state forms which provoke national identity shift, and analyzing the process of identity change, its motivations and legitimating. Collecting together a wide range of examples, from South Africa to the Czech Republic from the Basque Country to the Mexican and Irish borders.

Formed in the aftermath of WWII and in the face of the emerging threat posed by the Soviet Union, the transformation that has taken place in recent years within NATO has been neither natural nor easy for this multinational organization. When the Soviet Union ceased to exist it seemed NATO would disappear too. The rationale for a large American military deployment in Europe, described by President Eisenhower as a temporary move, no longer could be supported. This work documents the transition of the United States' relationship with NATO from a focus on the defence of Western Europe to an inclusive military and political organization concerned with the security of all of Europe, with the real potential for employment of its military power beyond the European continent. Despite budgeting and economic concerns raised by key members of the U.S. Congress, President George H.W. Bush supported the 'status quo' and was caught completely off guard when the Berlin Wall fell. He and Defense Secretary, Dick Cheney had not fully understood the changed strategic environment in Europe but the U.S. Congress did and offered many suggestions. NATO was saved. President Bill Clinton continued to promote the validity of NATO, expanded the organization eastwards, reduced the U.S. troop level in Europe to 100,000, and gave NATO a mission beyond warfare with the peacekeeping task in Bosnia. A new Atlantic relationship had been forged for the post-Cold War period.

The increasing role that NGOs play at different levels of legal relevance - from treaty-making to rule implementation, and from support to judges to aid delivery - calls for reconsideration of the international legal status of those organizations. This book shows that the degree of flexibility currently enjoyed by NGOs in fields as varied as human rights, the environment and the European Union development cooperation policy constitutes the best arena for all actors involved, with the consequences that the instances where more strict regulation of NGOs participation is desirable are very limited. With each chapter focusing on a different modality of NGO participation in international affairs (from formalized legal statuses to informal ways of dealing with issues of international relevance).

North Korea's development and testing of nuclear weapons made headlines in the Western media, but is the country really a threat to the rest of the world? This accessible introduction examines the country's history and focuses on whether the threat is realistic or exaggerated by the US in order to gain international support for the controversial missile defence system. It also shows what the EU can do to engage with North Korea and counterbalance the US policy of isolationism. North Korea is struggling to survive in the face of US threats of pre-emptive action and regime change by developing its own Weapons of Mass Destruction. For the EU, the challenge is to resolve this stand-off, providing North Korea with sufficient security guarantees to enable them to give up their nuclear weapons, and enough assistance to enable the economic and social reforms that the country so desperately needs.

This book contributes to the discussion about better understanding and mutual tuning of Russian and Western approaches to strengthening the nuclear non-proliferation regime, responding to situations like those in Iran and North Korea, synchronizing priorities in the elimination of excessive fissile materials, and, most of all, in the preservation of existing and the development of new agreements in nuclear arms control and nuclear disarmament. An important aspect of this is raising awareness of the current crisis in nuclear arms control. Such international, inter-agency and cross-cultural dialogue provides an opportunity for maintaining the wide-ranging dialogue required for strengthening arms control arrangements and for establishing new ones with clearly defined and measurable scopes and verification systems.

Since the end of the Cold War, globalization has brought new actors to the political arena. One of those which have attracted considerable attention in academic research is civil society or NGOs. Author addresses the topic of civil society participation in the nuclear non-proliferation regime. The regime qualifies well for this objective since it features, given its characteristics as a treaty regime in the international security field, notable legal avenues for civil society participation. The study takes on a twofold perspective. On the one hand, the empirical question whether civil society can contribute to the evolution of regimes in the security field is addressed, especially when it comes to security cooperation. On the other hand, it is questioned whether civil society can, under certain conditions, even contribute to the democratic quality of international decision-making. Here, empirical findings are used in order to test normative political theories on the legitimacy and democracy of global institutions. This title cuts across different issue areas of international relations and as such it can be used to serve many different purposes.

To what extent does the failing strategy of nonproliferation pose serious challenges for Northeast Asia's security environment? Are there alternative strategies for managing nuclear weapons in the region? Should the presence of nuclear weapons in Northeast Asia necessarily be seen in exclusively negative terms, as many experts believe?

This volume examines the role of the military, the most influential actor in Pakistan, and challenges conventional wisdom on the causes of political instability in this geographically important nuclear state. It rejects views that ethnic and religious cleavages and perceived economic or political mismanagement by civilian governments triggers military intervention in Pakistan. The study argues instead that the military intervenes to remove civilian governments where the latter are perceived to be undermining the military's institutional interests. Mazhar Aziz shows that the Pakistani military has become a parallel state, and given the extent of its influence, will continue to define the nature of governance within the polity. Overall, "Military Control in Pakistan" is a timely reminder and an important resource for both scholars and policy makers, clearly demonstrating the need to refocus attention on the problem of an influential military whilst drawing appropriate conclusions about issues ranging from democratic norms, political representation and civilian-military relations.

Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto of Benazir was the founder of Pakistan People's party. Its Preamble asserted that Pakistan People's party was the largest single political party representing the downtrodden people of Pakistan and stands committed to the establishment of an egalitarian, just and prosperous society. Zulfiqar was hanged and Benazir become the life presented of PPP. It is being argued that in her martyr- dowm Benazir has assured victory for PPP. This useful and handy book aims at given the history, constitution, organization, leadership, triumphs and tradigides of PPP. --------------------------------------------------------------

Former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, the chairperson of the Pakistan People's Party, was seen as vital to that country's future. In exile for years, in late 2007 she felt the time had come to actively re-engage and to return to the country she loved. Part of that process was a clear-eyed assessment of where Pakistan was, and of the nature of its relationship with the West, with Islam, and with extremism. In this important new book, completed just days before her assassination, Ms Bhutto demonstrates that extremism is not inherent to Islam, but that various factors, including some policies of the West, have empowered Islamic fundamentalists and are responsible for the current battle for the hearts, minds and bodies of the Umma (the Islamic nation around the world).

The Author is a former pilot, ambassador and had a unique ringside view to developments in Pakistan as aide to not one or two but three rulers - Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. And Arshad Sami Khan has coalesced his many experiences in this book. Sami, who served as aide to the three Pakistani presidents for a record six years from 1966 to 1972, provides a glimpse into the minds of the Pakistani leadership as its military fought two wars with India. Sami, who has served as ambassador in several countries, said: 'This book is not history. It is a factual story. I have written it as I have seen it. May this book open a new chapter in Indo-Pak relations.'

This book is to date the first and only study on Pakistan's foreign policy and decision-making process. It discusses the hows and whys of its policy as it has developed from a domestic to an international view. Post 9/11 changes required a fundamental change in self image and world view that went beyond the act of becoming a US ally in Afghanistan, or abandoning the policy of supporting the Taliban. The main topic of the study is identification of those changes, their requirements and some basic proposals for additional changes. The book also traces the historical, international and domestic context of Pakistan's Post 9/11 Afghan Policy. It analyses the regional impact of that decision, the domestic debate that it generated, and concludes with identification and implications for changes in Pakistan that are required for the sustenance of its new policies.

This book analyzes Palestinian attempts to create an organized military force from the period of the Mandate up to the present day. Beginning with a comparative overview of the relationship between insurgent movements and the quest to build up a standard military, the book looks, first, at how the 1936 revolt galvanized the Palestinian leadership to attempt to create a military. It then goes on to examines other major topics such as: the 1948 failure to create an organized armed force; Palestinian participation in other Arab armed forces; the creation of the PLA; attempts to develop a security apparatus after Oslo; and, finally, the question of security reform and peace-making. The book concludes by identifying the lessons from the Palestinian experience that can be applied in promoting healthy civil-military relations within political entities located in major conflict zones.

This book explains regarding the Palestine-Israel conflict - - the most notorious and ingrained conflict of the twentieth century - - the general reader is left with very little in the way of introductory explanations. By including the ancient background, the common assumption that the Israelis and Palestinians have been "fighting for thousands of years" is put to rest. Broken up into three sections -- Background History, Pre-Conflict, and Conflict -- the reader is walked through Ancient Israel, Muhammad and Islam, and on through two world wars and up to the current situation covered on the evening news.

Women have participated in political violence throughout history. Yet women as active proponents and perpetrators of political violence and terrorism is not widely accepted. Viewed as being forced by partners, sexually abused or brainwashed, the possibility of political motives is not often considered. Eager utilizes a framework to analyze women engaged in political violence in different contexts to examine structural variables, ideological goals of the organization and personal factors which contribute to involvement. Case study rich, this informative read provides an indispensable guide to examining women's role in left/right wing engagement, ethno-nationalist/separatist violence, guerrilla movements and suicide bombers.

This astonishing book promises to question the whole direction of social sciences methodology and makes essential reading for social sciences and humanities researchers and postgraduates. It revolves around three key functions: it introduces the rather dispersed discussion non-representational theory to a wider audience; it questions the whole direction of social sciences, methodologically, epistemologically and ontologically; and, it provides more productive approaches to the social sciences. A groundbreaking and comprehensive introduction to this key topic, Thrift's outstanding work brings together for the first time a body of work that has come to be known as non-representational theory. Well-known in the social sciences, till now these theories have never before been assembled in one volume.

This book examines the interplay between energy policy and security policy under Vladimir Putin, and his drive to re-establish Russia's 'greatness'. Assessing the internal contradictions of this policy, the book argues that Russia's desire to strengthen its role of 'energy security' provider is undermined by its inability to secure growth in production of oil and gas. Further, the pressing demand to channel more resources into the military-industrial complex clashes with the growing need to invest in the energy complex, and the priority granted to strategic forces deprives the conventional forces of strike power and strategic mobility. In conclusion, the author anticipates how these contradictions could be resolved, and suggests three short scenarios for Russia's continuing transition in the next decade.

This book traces the development of Russian policy towards China and Japan in the Yeltsin and Putin periods, showing how important engagement in East Asia is for Russia, how difficult managing policy in this region is because of the need for a multi-polar approach, and how Russia's domestic agenda influences policy to a high degree.

This is the ideal introductory textbook: it covers all the key issues; it is clearly written; and it includes the most up-to-date material currently available. For this third edition, Author has updated the text throughout to include details of Yeltsin's second term and the impact on Russian politics of the rise of his successor, Vladimir Putin. It also contains a substantially expanded bibliography, and appendices showing election results, chronology, social and demographic figures and recent census data. This new and revised edition consolidates the reputation of Russian Politics and Society as the single most comprehensive standard textbook on post-Soviet Russia.

The speeches in this book changed history. Sometimes they did so straightforwardly, for instance by setting in train a change of mind among the audience, as Wilberforce began to do over the slave trade. But sometimes it was by changing the way posterity has viewed a decision already taken, as Socrates did at his trial even though he was condemned to death. Include speeches by eminent personalities like, Alexander the Great, Marc Antony, George Washington, Napolean, Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela and others.

This new reader brings together key essays on strategic theory by some of the leading contributors in the field. Filling a large gap in the market, it will guide students through both the theoretical and practical aspects of Strategic Studies. Including classic essays and works of contemporary scholarship, the volume provides a wide-ranging survey of the key ideas and themes in the field of Strategic Studies. It comprises six thematic sections, each of which has an Editors' Introduction and suggestions for further reading: uses of strategic theory interpretation of the classics instruments of war: land, sea, and air power nuclear strategy irregular warfare and small wars future warfare, future strategy.

This book provides an overview of the Southern Sudanese economy, and the main causes for the lack of development in the territory. The book suggests strategies and policies for greatly reducing poverty and initiating sustainable development in the territory. Yongo-Bure outlines the significance of the resource base of Southern Sudan, as well as the development programs of the first peace period (1972-1983). The prominent sectors analyzed include agriculture, industry, transport, education, health, energy, power, and trade. The exploration and exploitation of petroleum is highlighted.

The humanitarian tragedy in Darfur has stirred politicians, Hollywood celebrities and students to appeal for a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Beyond the horrific pictures of sprawling refugee camps and lurid accounts of rape and murder lies a complex history steeped in religion, politics, and decades of internal unrest. Darfur traces the origins, organization and ideology of the infamous Janjawiid and other rebel groups, including the Sudan Liberation Army and the Justice and Equality Movement. It also analyzes the confused responses of the Sudanese government and African Union. This thoroughly updated edition also features a powerful analysis of how the conflict has been received in the international community and the varied attempts at peacekeeping.

The Global war on terror has not been able to achieve its primary aim of eliminating terrorists and their organizations; on the contrary, the terrorists have grown in strength and geographical spread making the world more insecure today then before 9/11 attacks. The author examines the various aspects of terrorism and contends that this state is due to the wrong premises on which the strategy was based to combat terror.

This volume undertakes a systematic analysis of the relationship between Special Forces and contemporary strategy, explaining the resurgence of interest in Special Forces, particularly in the West, by exploring their appeal over traditional conventional force options in the current 'War on Terror'. Special Forces, Terrorism and Strategy comprises four overarching themes: theory and practice command and control culture and technology operations and the 'War on Terror'. By developing a credible theory about the role of Special Forces in contemporary strategy, Alastair Finlan assesses the changing character of the relationship between conventional forces and Special Forces, illustrating the prominent role of these forces in the 'War on Terror'

This book examines the evolving threat of terrorism and draws on the latest research to assess future trends. The author assumes that terrorism will remain a potent threat to the international system throughout the twenty-first century, primarily because of the convergence of two negative trends: the availability of Chemical, Biological, Radiological, and Nuclear Weapons (CBRN)--also known as Weapons of Mass Destruction--and the proliferation of terrorist organizations seeking to achieve mass casualties. The book surveys specific aspects of contemporary terrorism, including political, social, economic, religious, and ideological factors, globalization as a stimulant to contemporary terrorism, the role of organized crime in terrorist movements, and more.

Drawing on terrorists' own words and ideas, this examination of patterns, current trends and future threats in terrorism world-wide explores the ideology and psychology, the politics and policies, the strategies and operations, of many active small groups and major insurgencies.

This edited volume provides new dimensions to the debate on global terrorism by opening up interdisciplinary conversations between hitherto unexplored strategic, economic, ethical and legal approaches, which offer important and practically relevant opportunities to rethink how states can respond to terrorist threats. The book uses these sources of insight to examine the nature and meaning of security in a rapidly changing world.

This book considers a range of influential terror groups from the last 40 years, exploring relationships between people, local and global social processes, and activities that result in acts of terrorism. Examining Islamic groups alongside nationalist, 'red' and far right organizations, Stephen Vertigans identifies important similarities in the social contexts, experiences of members and some of their demands.

This one-volume reference examines the history of terrorism in the modern world, including its origins and development, and terrorist acts by groups and individuals from the French Revolution to today. Organized thematically and regionally, it outlines major developments in conflicts that involved terrorism, the history of terrorist groups, key aspects of counterterrorist policy, and specific terrorist incidents. Initial chapters explore terrorism as a social force, and analyze the use of terrorism as a political tool, both historically and in the contemporary world. Subsequent chapters focus on different parts of the world and consider terrorism as a part of larger disputes. Each chapter begins with a historical introduction and analysis of the topic or region, followed by one or more chronologies that trace events within political and social contexts. A glossary, selected bibliography, and detailed index are also included.

This book is about the role of negotiation in resolving terrorist barricade hostage crises. What lessons can be learned from past deadly incidents so that crisis negotiators and decision makers can act with greater effectiveness in the future? What are the lessons the terrorists are learning and how will they affect the dynamics of future incidents? What can we learn about the terrorist threat, and about preventing the escalation of future terrorist hostage-taking situations? While there are many trained crisis negotiators around the world, almost none of them has ever had contact with a terrorist hostage-taking incident. Further, the entire training program of most hostage negotiators focuses on resolving crises that do not take into consideration issues such as ideology, religion, or the differing sets of strategic objectives and mindsets of ideological hostage takers. This is especially true with regard to the terrorists of the "new" breed, who have become less discriminate, more lethal, and more willing to execute hostages and die during the incident. Further, many of the paradigms and presumptions upon which the contemporary practice of crisis negotiation is based do not reflect the reality of the "new terrorists." The main focus of this book is on the detailed reconstruction and analysis of the two most high-profile cases in recent years, the Moscow theater and the Beslan school hostage crises, with a clear purpose of drawing lessons for hostage negotiation strategies in the future. This is an issue of top priority. Terrorist manuals from countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iraq reveal that terrorist organizations are very closely observing and analyzing the lessons learned from these two incidents, suggesting that we are likely to see this type of "new" terrorist hostage taking involving large numbers of suicide fighters and executions of hostages at some point in the future. This raises a wide array of questions about appropriate responses and negotiation strategies. From the first glance, it is clear that we are not prepared.

This book takes the reader on a voyage into that terrain of recent history of conflict in Punjab which remains cordoned off by the barriers of knowledge raised by the mainstream media and the established scholarship on the subject. It shows how the terror was spawned, sustained and then suppressed behind those barriers. Probing the connections between mass atrocities and the miasma of hegemonic narratives, the book demonstrates that a socially deliberative space of plural understanding of political conflicts is the first prerequisite for the rectification of all abuses of power. Coming from a witness and the biographer of Punjab's recent history who remains dedicated to people's rights to truth, justice and reparation.

This book explains the lifecycle of terrorist organizations from an innovative theoretical perspective, combining economics with social psychology. It provides a new approach to understanding human behavior in organized society, and then uses this to analyze the forces shaping the lifecycle of violent political movements. Economic and rational-choice theorists assume that human beings are motivated only by self-utility, yet terrorism is ultimately an altruistic act in the eyes of its participants. This book highlights the importance of the desire to belong to a group as a motivating factor, and argues that all of us face an eternal trade-off between selfishness and community concern. This hypothesis is explored through four key groups; the IRA in Northern Ireland, Al Qaeda, Hamas, and the Naxalites in India. Through this, the book analyzes the birth, growth, transformation and demise of violent political movements, and ends with an analysis of the conditions which determine the outcome of the war against terrorism.

The land of Tibet--its people, culture, and religion--has long been both an object of contention and a source of fascination. Since 1959, Tibet has also been at the center of controversy when China's "peaceful liberation" of the land of snows led to the Lhasa uprising and the Dalai Lama's escape to India. Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China's "100 Questions" offers clear and unbiased responses to a booklet published by the Chinese government in 1989, which sought to counter the criticism generated by the Dalai Lama and his followers and offer the PRC's "truth" about Tibet and Tibetans. In Authenticating Tibet, international Tibet scholars provide historically accurate answers to 100 Questions and deal evenhandedly with both China's "truth" about Tibet and that of the Dalai Lama and his followers. Designed for use by a general audience, the book is an accessible reference, free of the polemics that commonly surround the Tibet question. Although these experts refute many of the points asserted by China, they do not offer blanket endorsements for the claims made by the pro-Tibet movement. Instead, they provide an accurate, historically based assessment of Tibet's past and its troubled present.

This is the most comprehensive, and most comprehensively chilling, study of modern torture yet written. Darius Rejali, one of the world's leading experts on torture, takes the reader from the late nineteenth century to the aftermath of Abu Ghraib, from slavery and the electric chair to electro torture in American inner cities, and from French and British colonial prison cells and the Spanish-American War to the fields of Vietnam, the wars of the Middle East, and the new democracies of Latin America and Europe.As Rejali traces the development and application of one torture technique after another in these settings, he reaches startling conclusions. As the twentieth century progressed, he argues, democracies not only tortured, but set the international pace for torture. Dictatorships may have tortured more, and more indiscriminately, but the United States, Britain, and France pioneered and exported techniques that have become the lingua franca of modern torture: methods that leave no marks. Under the watchful eyes of reporters and human rights activists, low-level authorities in the world's oldest democracies were the first to learn that to scar a victim was to advertise iniquity and invite scandal. Long before the CIA even existed, police and soldiers turned instead to "clean" techniques, such as torture by electricity, ice, water, noise, drugs, and stress positions. As democracy and human rights spread after World War II, so too did these methods.Rejali makes this troubling case in fluid, arresting prose and on the basis of unprecedented research--conducted in multiple languages and on several continents--begun years before most of us had ever heard of Osama bin Laden or Abu Ghraib. The author of a major study of Iranian torture, Rejali also tackles the controversial question of whether torture really works, answering the new apologists for torture point by point. A brave and disturbing book, this is the benchmark against which all future studies of modern torture will be measured.

This book is a survey and examination of the role played by the US in specific EU security polices and the forming of an EU strategic culture after the cold war. The work is written with three aims in mind: first, to explore the possibilities and restrictions on EU security policy imposed by its most important ally, the United States; second, to examine the US techniques of influence; third, to assess which explanations best capture the scales of power and influence in transatlantic relations during the period. The book analyses three important case studies of transatlantic security relations - Kosovo, Iraq and the enlargement of the EU and NATO - to assess the level of American influence on the growth of EU security culture.

The change in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East in the post-Cold War era is a highly debated issue, with most experts believing that Europeanization has become the driving force behind this change. This book takes the cases of Iraq and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as two important illustrations. Both cases present dynamic issues of conflict in the region and are high on Turkey's agenda in terms of its policies towards the region. Focusing on issues related to EU integration, the study examines the formation of a common foreign policy in general and a common policy towards the Middle East in particular. It also examines decision making in Turkish foreign policy and foreign policy towards the Middle East before and after EU candidature. As such it provides valuable insights into how parties interact with each other and the way in which foreign policies can be harmonized.

Turkey is ninty-nine per cent Muslim, its ruling party, Justice and Development Party (JDP), comes from but denies its Islamist pedigree and has a very secular feel. However, the deeply secular regime distrusts the JDP with regard to its 'true' colours. This book makes sense of these paradoxical perceptions which have characterized Turkeys politics since the JDP has come to power in 2002. The key momentum for shaping the nature and trajectories of the ruling party of Turkey since 2002, the JDP, has been the identity question. The JDPs commitment to transform Turkeys politics was part of its engagement to remake its own identity. The JDPs adoption of a conservative-democrat identity has rested on a new understanding of Westernization, secularism, democracy and the role and relevance of Islam in politics. The books central problematic is to explain both the politics of change the JDP initiated and sustained in the first three years in office and the politics of retreat it has made from its reformist discourse since 2005. The book analyzes not just the catalysts for its reformist discourse of the first 3 years but tries to explain its reversal to an inward-looking conservative nationalist course. By approaching this topical debate from the conceptual stance rather than a party-centered approach, Ümit Cizre identifies that the change the JDP has initiated within Turkeys political Islam and in Turkish politics is the product of an interactive process between many levels, actors, forces and historical periods. Secular and Islamic Politics in Turkey is a valuable contribution to the study of globalization and change in contemporary political Islam, the relationship between religion and politics, and secularism and political Islam.

Is Britain becoming a more racist society? Leading media commentator Arun Kundnani looks behind media hysteria to show how multicultural Britain is under attack by government policies and vitriolic press campaigns that play upon fear and encourage racism. Exacerbated by the attacks of 9/11 and 7/7, Kundnani argues that a new form of racism is emerging, one that is based on a systemic failure to understand the causes of forced migration, global terrorism, and social segregation. The result is a climate of hatred, especially against Muslims and asylum seekers. Communities are more divided than ever. Yet the government presses ahead with flawed policies and antiterrorist legislation that creates further resentment. Behind it all lies a refusal to grasp the ways in which the world has been changed by globalization. What can be done? This timely and precise analysis is a useful account of why racism is now thriving and what can be done to stop it. It will be of interest to anyone who is appalled by the current state of race relations in Britain and it should be required reading for all policy makers.

Based on a wealth of sources, files and interviews, and including previously unpublished material, this book explores the foundations of the political ethics of Dag Hammarskjöld, the second Secretary-General of the United Nations, examining how they influenced his actions in several key crisis situations. Hammarskjölds political innovations, such as the creation of peacekeeping forces, the use of private diplomacy and the concept of the international civil service, were bold attempts at translating the aims and principles of the UN charter into concrete thought and action. Kofi Annan described Hammarskjölds approach as a useful guideline to dealing with the problems of a globalized world. Offering a topical perspective on a subject that has not recently been explored, this book analyzes Hammarskjölds successes and failures in a way which offers insights into contemporary problems, and in doing so provides a significant and original contribution to UN studies. Political Ethics and The United Nations will be of interest to students of the United Nations, peace studies, and international relations in general.

This book observes how the growth of the political authority of the Council challenges the basic idea that states have legal autonomy over their domestic affairs. The individual essays survey the implications that flow from these developments in the crucial policy areas of: terrorism; economic sanctions; the prosecution of war crimes; human rights; humanitarian intervention; and, the use of force. In each of these areas, the evidence shows a complex and fluid relation between state sovereignty, the power of the United Nations, and the politics of international legitimating. Demonstrating how world politics has come to accommodate the contradictory institutions of international authority and international anarchy, this book makes an important contribution to how we understand and study international organizations and international law.

Grade 6-9-These series entries inform readers about the workings of important organizations and may inspire career choices. In Amnesty International, students will learn about the places in the world where human rights abuses are rampant and what effect such organizations can bring to bear on the perpetrators. Some of the descriptions and illustrations depicting torture may upset young readers. However, the process of documenting human-rights abuses, using up-to-date technology, is interesting. Pollard's and Trier's titles portray the various agencies within the UN and their roles as watchdog, caretaker, banker, adviser, and teacher. The pages are attractively laid out and illustrated with a combination of black-and-white and full-color photographs, newspaper and poster illustrations, and drawings made by children and prisoners. The books are well organized, but there are no tables of contents or bibliographies. Each volume is supplemented with a wide array of relevant quotations suitable for discussion.

Secrecy in US Foreign Policy examines the pursuit of strict secrecy by President Nixon and his National Security Advisor Kissinger in foreign policy decision making in relation to the US rapprochement with China. Moreover it sheds new light on the complexity and dynamism of the evolution of China initiatives and demonstrates the many policy options and perspectives among US officials. Dr Komine focuses on three major elements of the rapprochement: " Conception - the presidential leadership, the revitalization of the National Security system and secrecy in bureaucratic rivalry. " Implementation - the evolution of policy option studies and the private signal exchange." Direct Talks - the major security issues during behind-the-scene talks on Kissinger's trips to Beijing and Nixon's trip to China.

It is in the Middle East that the U.S. has been made to confront its attitudes on the use of force, the role of allies, and international law. The history of the U.S. in the Middle East, then, becomes an especially revealing mirror on America's view of its role in the wider world. In this wise, objective, and illuminating history, Lawrence Freedman shows how three key events in 1978-79 helped establish the foundations for U.S. involvement in the Middle East that would last for thirty years, without offering any straightforward or bloodless exit options: the Camp David summit leading to the Israel-Egypt Treaty; the Iranian Islamic revolution leading to the Shah's departure followed by the hostage crisis; and the socialist revolution in Afghanistan, resulting in the doomed Soviet intervention. Freedman makes clear how America's strategic choices in those and subsequent crises led us to where we are today. A Choice of Enemies is essential reading for anyone concerned with the complex politics of the region or with the future of American foreign policy.

This book aims to serve the military profession, and so the national interest, by helping to generate intelligent reform of how the armed forces train, educate, and promote officers who shape our military strategy and write our war plans. Readers will discover the professional and intellectual improvement that wide reading in the masters of historical narrative offers to them. The first chapter, "Lessons Not Learned," surveys our strategic documents-and their recent applications-and offers criticism and recommendations. The second chapter, "Transformation Ballyhoo," evaluates our current efforts at military transformation and offers an alternative approach to rehabilitating our armed forces. The third chapter, "The Brain of An Army," offers ideas on building a first-rate Joint War College. Chapters four through six focus on military campaigns: France 1940; Stalingrad; North Africa, 1940-43. The theme is that moral and intellectual qualities determine the fate of armies in war, and that material and bureaucratic machinery are not nearly so vital as we seem to think nowadays.

When and why did the United States policy of containment of Iran come about? How did it evolve? Where is it going? Much has been said about the US policy of dual containment, particularly as it pertains to Iraq. However, there has been little in-depth analysis of this policy when it comes to Iran. Sasan Fayazmanesh explores this often neglected subject by analyzing the history of this policy. The analysis includes the role that the Carter and Reagan Administrations played in the Iran-Iraq war, the numerous sanctions imposed on Iran by the Clinton Administration and the aggressive and confrontational policy toward Iran adopted by the George W. Bush Administration after the events of September 11, 2001.This topical read synthesises a range of primary sources, including firsthand reports, newspaper articles and electronic media, and presents a coherent analysis of the ebbs and flows in the US thinking on Iran and Iraq.

Author emphasizes that the main threat to Western nations in the post-Cold War period will not come from a superpower, but rather from weak, failed, and conflict-torn states-and rogue groups within them. It is also critical to recognize that the dynamics at work-cultural, historical, and social-in these modern states are fundamentally different from those that the United States faced in the reconstructions of West Germany and Japan. As such, these historical cases of successful reconstruction are poor models for todays challenges. In author view, policymakers and occupiers face an array of internal and external constraints in dealing with rogue states. These constraints are often greatest in the countries most in need of the political, economic, and social change.

This book brings together twenty leading foreign policy and national security specialists some of the leading thinkers of their generation to seek common ground on ten key, controversial areas of policy. In each chapter conservative and liberal experts jointly outline their points of agreement on many of the most pressing issues in U.S. foreign policy, pointing the way toward a more constructive debate. In doing so, the authors move past philosophical differences and identify effective approaches to the major national security challenges confronting the United States. An outgrowth of a Stanley Foundation initiative, this book shows what happens when specialists take a fresh look at politically sensitive issues purely on their merits and present an alternative to the distortions and oversimplifications of today's polarizing political environment.

This book evaluates and develops core aspects of the literature on global governance. Analyzing world social, gender, ecological and economic development on the basis of the main 9 predictors, compatible with the majority of the more than 240 published studies on the cross-national determinants of the "human condition" around the globe, it presents the results of 32 equations about development performance from 131 countries. We come to the conclusion that while there is some confirmation for the "blue", market paradigm as the best and most viable way of world systems governance concerning economic growth, re-distribution and gender issues, the "red-green" counter-position is confirmed concerning such vital and basic indicators as life expectancy and the human development index. This work also challenges the neo-liberal consensus about democracy and the pure market economy as the way to development, equality, a good environment and peace by showing that selected market interventions and the fairly regulated regime of the early post-war years assured stability in Europe and Japan and contributed to social and economic recovery from the Great Depression and the Second World War.

It has never been more important for Americans to understand why the world both hates and loves the United States. In What They Think of Us, a remarkable group of writers from the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and Latin America describes the world's profoundly ambivalent attitudes toward the United States--before and since 9/11.While many people around the world continue to see the United States as a model despite the Iraq war and the war on terror, the U.S. response to 9/11 has undoubtedly intensified global anti-Americanism. What They Think of Us reveals that substantial goodwill toward America still exists, but that this sympathy is in peril--and that there is an immense gap between how Americans view their country and how it is viewed abroad. Drawing on broad research and personal experience while avoiding anecdotally and polemics, the writers gathered here combine political, cultural, and historical analysis to explain how people in different parts of the world see the United States. They show that not all anti-Americanism can be blamed on U.S. foreign policy. America is disliked not just for what it does but also for what it is, and perceptions of both are profoundly shaped--and sometimes warped--by the domestic realities of the countries where anti-Americanism thrives. In addition to analyzing America's battered global reputation, these writers propose ways the United States and other countries can build better relations through greater understanding and respect.

Throughout history, but especially in recent times, presidential rhetoric has set the tone of U.S. foreign policy for the American public. Consequently, foreign policy is actively marketed and spun to the American people. This book describes the marketing strategy of the 'War on Terror' and how that strategy compelled public opinion towards supporting the spread of the war from Afghanistan to Iraq. The author investigates how President George W. Bush's initial framing of the September 11th attacks provided the platform for the creation of long term public support for the 'War on Terror' and established early public support for U.S. action in Iraq. Mining public opinion data and nearly 1500 presidential speeches over a four year period, the author argues that presidential framing of threats and losses, rather than gains and benefits, contributed to public support for war in Afghanistan and Iraq, and to President Bush's successful re-election campaign. This threat-framing established the broad parameters for the 'War on Terror' and enabled the president to successfully market a punitive war in Afghanistan. Second, the president marketed the strategy of preemptive war and led the country into the more costly war in Iraq by focusing on the potentially global threat of terrorism and the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction.

American security and prosperity now depend on Asia. Author offers an iconoclastic analysis of developments in each major Asian country, Asian international relations, and US foreign policy. Drawing on decades of political and business experience, he argues that obsolete Cold War attitudes tie the US increasingly to an otherwise isolated Japan and obscure the reality that a US-Chinese bicondominium now manages most Asian issues. Military priorities risk polarizing the region unnecessarily, weaken the economic relationships that engendered American preeminence, and ironically enhance Chinese influence. As a result, US influence in Asia is declining. Overholt disputes the argument that democracy promotion will lead to superior development and peace, and forecasts a new era in which Asian geopolitics could take a drastically different shape. Covering Japan, China, Russia, Central Asia, India, Pakistan, Korea, and South-East Asia, Overholt offers invaluable insights for scholars, policy-makers, business people, and general readers.

This volume re-examines the evidence surrounding the rise and fall of peacekeeping policy during the first Clinton Administration. Specifically, it asks: what happened to cause the Clinton Executive to abandon its previously favored policy platform of humanitarian multilateralism? "Clinton, Peacekeeping and Humanitarian Interventionism" aims to satisfy a large gap in our understanding of events surrounding 1990s peacekeeping policy, humanitarian intervention and the Rwandan genocide, as well as shedding some light on US policy on Africa, and the issues surrounding the current peacekeeping debate. Leonie Murray takes an unorthodox stance with regard to the role of public opinion on peacekeeping policy, and delves deeper into the roles that the legislature, the military, and in particular, the executive had to play in the development of US peacekeeping policy in the 1990s. The conclusions reached concerning the role of the United States and the International Community in the face of the Rwandan Genocide are of particular note in their departure from the accepted wisdom on the subject.

Barack Obama's election to the U.S. Senate in 2004 is one of the most interesting political events in recent history. His rousing keynote address at the Democratic National Convention that same year made his name a household word. In this book, the authors explore the role of money, political party, ethnicity, religion, and the issues facing our society today. They highlight how Obama's straightforward policy recommendations, message of hope and inclusion, and charismatic style propelled him to the national spotlight. They argue that Obama has the potential to shape America and to reshape U.S. politics as he campaigns for the White House.Obama's state senate career and his decision to enter the U.S. Senate race are also examined in this book. Obama, whose skill with the media and whose ability to raise funds was evident even in those early days of his career, easily won the race with 70 per cent of the vote. The authors analyze Obama's ability to speak to the concerns of multiple constituencies by appealing to a coalition of voters that transcends race, class, and gender, and how, at the start of his presidential run, Obama gives new meaning to the American dream.

American voters say they want to hear more about the issues and less about partisan politics. An unusually wide-open presidential race presents a unique opening for frank discussion and innovative solutions to pressing policy challenges. "Opportunity 08" takes advantage of this political space to help presidential candidates, political observers, and the informed public focus on critical issues facing the nation. "Opportunity 08" tackles a broad range of issues, organized under three categories: Our World, Our Society, and Our Prosperity. On the latter, for example, Brookings scholar Isabel Sawhill joins former Congressmen Bill Frenzel (R) and Charles Stenholm (D) and longtime budget counsel Bill Hoagland to provide a clear picture of the American budget deficit situation and what should be done about it. Sawhill also collaborates with Ron Haskins on a plan to provide greater support for education, work, and marriage. Hugh Price puts forth a strategy (and price tag) for boosting academic achievement among American schoolchildren. Brookings scholar Henry Aaron and Harvard professor Joseph New house describe America's health care predicament and discuss options for expanding coverage and reducing costs. Mark McClellan, until recently the administrator of Medicare and Medicaid, takes another angle on the same subject, in the realm of international affairs, Jeffrey Bader and Richard Bush as well as former Bush administration official Michael Green discuss how best to deal with China. Jeremy Shapiro calls for a more analytic and threat-based approach to homeland security, arguing that many proposals is too ambitious and costly. On the Middle East, Martin Indyk and Tamara Coffman Wittes emphasize the need for a moderate coalition that will counter Iran's ambitions in the region, while also discussing political reform in Arab states and the Arab-Israeli peace process. Peter Rodman, until recently a Bush administration Pentagon official, also addresses the challenge posed by a radical Iran. These are just a few of the critical issues and renowned authors included in this timely book. Insightful, informed, and independent, "Opportunity 08" truly is Brookings at its best.

This book presents a comprehensive, in-depth look at what it takes to defend national security. This book provides a case-based approach to understanding the interrelated issues of national preparedness, emergency response, disaster recovery, and threat mitigation to deal with prevention and the aftermath of attempted and successful attacks. Comprehensive chapters explain how to form effective prevention strategies and respond to similar threats and attacks. This valuable text also addresses the main focus areas of the Department of Homeland Security, including border and transportation security, science and technology, information analysis, and infrastructure protection.

The Volume comprising 13 contribution from experts in the filed seeks to find answers to these and similar question. It addresses and analyses key factors inn the region that effect US interest and suggests measures for the US policy makers to improve its ability to advance and defend US interests. It takes into account US security cooperation in the region. The special stress of the volume is on the issue which has involved India and Pakistan, the two main actors of the region. The central objective that underlines the Endeavour of the contributors is to suggest a policy framework for enabling the US to face the contribution provide valuable input for policy formulation.

This book, based on extensive original research in previously unexplored sources, including the party archives, provides a great deal of new information on the disintegration of the Soviet communist party, in 1991 and the preceding years. It argues that, contrary to prevailing views, the party was reform able in late Soviet times, but that attempts to reform it failed: reforms succeeded in preventing the party interfering in the state body, and thereby abolished the party's traditional administrative functions, but without creating an alternative power centre, and without transforming the party from a vanguard party into a parliamentary party. It demonstrates that the party, having ceased to offer career paths for aspiring party members, thereby lost its reason for existence, that an exodus of party members then followed, which in turn caused a financial crisis; and that this financial crisis, and the resulting engagement in commercial activity, fragmented and dispersed party property. It shows how the failed coup of 1991 was led by the military rather than the party, and how having lost its reason for existence and its property, the party had no choice but to accept the reality that it was de facto dead.

In the 1990s the World Bank changed its policy to take the position that the problems of poverty and governance are inextricably linked, and improving the governance of its borrower countries became increasingly accepted as a legitimate and important part of the World Bank's development activities. This book examines why the World Bank came to see good governance as important and evaluate what the World Bank is doing to improve the governance of its borrower countries. David Williams examines changing World Bank policy since the late 1970s to show how a concern with good governance grew out of the problems the World Bank was experiencing with structural adjustment lending, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. The book provides an account of the early years of the World Bank and traces the increasing acceptance of the idea of good governance within the Bank through the 1990s, while systematically relating the policies of good governance to liberalism. The author provides a detailed case study of World Bank lending to Ghana to demonstrate what the attempt to improve 'governance' looks like in practice.Williams assesses whether the World Bank has been successful in its attempts to improve governance, and draws out some of the implications of the argument for how we should think about sovereignty, for how we should understand the connections between liberalism and international politics.

Is world government the answer to pressing global issues such as war, global injustices and environmental problems? Torbjorn Tannsjo presents the case for this idea. The notion of a sovereign world government has been defended in the past by philosophers such as Bertrand Russell and A.C. Ewing, but has been eclipsed by less radical ideas to do with peaceful cooperation between sovereign states or, at most, through systems of shared sovereignty. This book argues that such solutions cannot be effective, and that a world government is the best answer to our pressing global problems. Short, simple to read, and focusing on arguments, not theorists, "Global Democracy" is intended for anyone who wants to start to think about political solutions to global problems, putting them into a perspective that deserves to be taken seriously.

Using a thematic approach supported by a variety of evidence and multidisciplinary interpretations, World History: Journeys from Past to Present provides a dynamic framework for the study of the vast reaches of our common past. Distinguished by truly global coverage, this new survey helps us to discover the connections between past and present from earliest prehistory to the present age of globalization. Thematic chapters explore mobility and the interrelationship of peoples; their connections with the environment; the communities they form; the patterns of dominance and submission involved in the ways they organize themselves politically, economically, and socially; and the ways in which they construct and express cultures through ideas, religion art, and architecture. World History has many student-friendly features, including: primary source material to support the thematic argument over ninety images and maps to enhance and illuminate the text guided links to online resources, including the multimedia website Bridging World Historya support website with discussion questions to assist revision and understanding. World History: Journeys from Past to Present will be an invaluable resource for students of college or university courses on world history or world civilization, and for anyone interested in a comprehensive framework for grasping world history.

This volume provides a much needed up-to-date and analytical overview of the role of power in our understanding of international relations, venturing beyond the (neo)realist reading by offering a different way of thinking about the distribution of power. Featuring contributions from leading scholars such as Steven Lukes, Joseph Grieco Stefano Guzzini and Joseph Nye Jr, the book covers such issues as: the nature of power relationships in international relations today and how they have changed the sources and agents of power; the impact and the limitations of specific forms of power and how they can be measured traditional realist notions of power constructivist interpretations; and, the role of soft power directions for future research.

This book provides a bold and visionary tour of the most important, and least understood, countries shaping the future of the global order. At the end of the Cold War, we found ourselves living in a world with one superpower, the United States. Now, at the start of the twenty-first century, Parag Khanna argues powerfully that the moment of American supremacy is over, brought about by the increasing influence of what he terms the Second World: Eastern Europe, Central Asia, South America, the Middle East and East Asia .Traveling from Azerbaijan to Venezuela, China's hinterlands to Gaddafi's Libya, Parag Khanna explores these countries and their global significance. For as the three superpowers - the US, the EU and China - compete for influence in the Second World, citizens of these countries can already feel the these imperial forces exerting their influence and affecting the global balance of power. How can these competing powers win friends and influence people across the globe? What's in it for the winner - and the loser? And how does the Second World feel about its increasing significance on the global stage? In a bold and provocative style, "The Second World" makes clear what's at stake, for whoever dominates the Second World will lead the twenty-first century - or become a part of the Second World itself.

A systematic discussion of the ethics and politics of human solidarity needed in a globalize age. This book provides a broad-ranging analysis of a key issue in political philosophy and political practice. It is an important and timely new book from leading political theorist and author of "Rethinking Multiculturalism", Bhikhu Parekh. It examines the roots of terrorism and shows why the 'war on terror' is misguided." The New Politics of Identity" pursues many of the central issues raised in the author's "Rethinking Multiculturalism" focusing in particular on their consequences for global politics. Parekh develops a theory of identity that combines respect for diversity and applies this theory to a range of key current debates on national identity.